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THE 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



UNION MEETING, 



HELD AT 



CASTLE GARDEN, 




OCTOBER 30, 1850. 



. 



41 The unity of government,which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to yon. It is justly so ; 
for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the support of your tranquility at home ; 
your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But 
as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will bo taken, 
many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your 
political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most, constantly and ac- 
tively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed ; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and 
to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with 
>ealous anxiety : discountnancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be aban- 
doned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of oiir 
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts."— Washington. 



NEW-YOKK: 

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 

"UNION SAFETY COMMITTEE." 
1850. 




o3 






JOSEPH D. BEDFORD, PRINTER, 
Reae of 57 Ann-strsst. 



U T . HOBBS, STEREOTYPER, 

RBXR OF CI AxX-STEEET. 



. 






i 



THE 

GREAT UNION DEMONSTRATION. 



On Wednesday evening, Oct. 30, Castle Garden, in its vast area and 
spacious galleries, was thronged by au immense multitude, from whom went 
up but one voice, — tlie Union, — the Union as it is, — THE UNION with 
all the obligations of the Constitution. The resolutions and all the speakers 
approved of the Compromise Bills, as passed by Congress, and denounced a 
re-opening of the slavery agitation. 

All the speakers touched upon the Fugitive Slave Law excitement, and 
upon the constitutionality and principles of the law, and all declared it the duty 
of the North and the whole country, to obey it in good faith, to which 
thousands and thousands of voices responded in hearty approbation. Ten 
thousand men in arms, we venture to say, from this demonstration, can be 
summoned any twenty-four hours to enforce that law, if the United States 
Marshal so requests of the civil authorities. In New- York that law will be 
obeyed as readily as any other law on the Statute Book, whether it is liked 
or not. 

Three of the speakers were Whigs and three were Democrats, and their 
speeches were able, eloquent, and to the point, each commanding a lively 
attention. There were some things said which some men may or may not 
approve, but the Union spirit that every speaker breathed, — the higher 
devotion placed upon Union than upon any Party — no patriotic man can but 
approve. The President of the meeting was George Wood, Esq., one of the 
luminaries of our Bar, and foremost among the foremost in its ranks. The 
speakers were among our ablest lawyers. Mr. Gerard, in his peculiar but 
captivating eloquence, chained the attention of the auditory. Mr. O'Connor, 
in a terse and vigorous vein of eloquence brought down showers of applause, 
particularly when he threw off party bonds, and devoted himself to Union 



4. GREAT UNION DEMONSTRATION. 

principles as the highest of all principles to govern a citizen and a man. 
Mr. Everts then unfolded, in a lucid and very able argument, the history and 
principles of the Fugitive Slave provisions, which, when revised and 
published in pamphlet form, will proveto be one of the most effective speeches 
of the evening. Mr. Edward Sandfordthen aroused the audience again in a 
brilliant speech, which all listened to with delight. Mr. Ogden Hoffman 
followed in dashing periods and patriotic sentiment that brought down 
storms of applause. Finally, some time after 10 o'clock, even after that late 
hour, and until the clock struck 11, P. M., Jas. T. Brady, Esq., had the 
happy power to win attention first, to command it next, and finally to make 
all regret when he was done. It is seldom that, in a public meeting, six 
such able speeches are heard. 

Fifty gentlemen were appointed as a Union Committee of Safety, 
with power to add to their numbers, to consult and to act together hereafter 
for the dissemination of Union principles, and the inculcation of Union 
sentiments. 

Kever has there been a more imposing public meeting in our city, and 
but very few have there ever been so imposing in character, in moral force, 
intellectual weight, and dignity, and real power. — N. Y. Express, 



PROCEEDINGS 

OF THE 

UNION MEETING, 



HELD AT 



CASTLE GARDEN, 

OCTOBER 30, 1850. 



At 7 o'clock the meeting was called to order by Mr. Nicholas Dean, who 
said : — 

Fellow Citizens : — "We have come together to-night to take 'counsel 
upon most grave subjects, — to advocate the supremacy of the Constitution 
and the Laws, and to pledge ourselves, at all hazards, to support the Union 
of these State*. 

We have been, and are yet passing through a most perilous period of our 
history : — to avert some of its dangers is our present purpose. 

That Constitution under which we have lived in the full enjoyment of all 
those privileges which have marked our progress as a people, and which has 
conferred upon us '' liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," has been attacked 
in the halls of national legislation, and a rule of action said to be drawn from 
a source above, and beyond that instrument. — avowed, and sought to be en- 
forced. 

Are we prepared to listen patiently, and approvingly, to such treasonable 
doctrines ? — to surrender our civil and political rights to the protection of fana- 
tics, — to the keeping of visionary theorists, — to the custody and control of 
disunionists ; — to cast at tbeir feet to be trodden on. and defaced, that Consti- 
tution won through long years of toil, of peril, and of suffering, — consecrated 
by the wisdom of our revolutionary fathers. — and approved and certified to us 
by the greatest uninspired name that the universe ever looked upon, — the 
name of George Washington ! 

Fellow citizens ; conservatives of all parties ; let this night witness that, 
there is yet a redeeming spirit strong enough, and broad enough, and active 
enough, to preserve intact this glorious depository of human 1'reedom, — this 
magnificent record of unsurpassed patriotism. 

To that end are we now met together. 

Gentlemen, I am instructed by the Committee of Arrangements to place 
before you the name of George Wood, Esq., as President of this great Union 
Safety meeting. Mr. Dean then put the question, and the nomination of Mr. 
Wood was unanimously confirmed. 



6 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

The President having taken the chair, Mr. Dean ^proceeded to nominate 
the following named gentlemen for Vice Presidents and Secretaries. 

VICE PRESIDENTS. 

Moses Taylor, Wm. H. AsriNWALL. John H. Brower, 

Francis Griffin, Joseph Kernochan, Francis S. Lathrop, 

Robert Latou, Charles G. Carleton, Gustavus A. Conover, 

Robert Smith, N. Marvin Beckwith, William Tucker, 

Joseph Petit, Jacob A. Westervelt. Reuben Withers, 

Wm. H. Webb, B. M. Whitlock, Ralph Clark, 

R. H. McCurdy, George D. H. Gillespie, Wm. S. Wetmore, 

Ed. K. Collins, Matthew Morgan, John T. B. Maxwell, 

Lora Nash, Mortimer Livingston, JoshuA J. Henry, 

Henry Young, Isaac Townsend, Samuel L. Mitchell, 

S. B. Althause, Schuyler Livingston, David W. Catlin, 

Henry Chauncey. Charles M. Leupp, E. M. Greenway, 

Ed. P. Heyer, E. Cheeseborough, Ab'm R. Van Nest, 
Michael McGrath. 

secretaries. 
Wm. Barton, Robert C. Wetmore, Fred'k. R. Betts, 

Wm. R. Dean, Tho. C. T. Buckley, Robert B. Milliken, 

Thomas Fenner, Alfred Large. Thomas W. Phelps. 

The President then put the question, and the nominations were adopted 
by the meeting with perfect unanimity. 

The President then rose and addressed the meeting ; he said : — 
The' object of this meeting, fellow-citizens, as you will perceive by the 
call, is to express our approval of the late measures of Congress, which are 
commonly known as the peace measures, and to contribute, as far as its in- 
fluence can extend, to preserve and perpetuate the Union of the government 
and the country. (Applause.) The difficulties under which we labor in 
reference to the important subject of the Union, relate, as you all know, to 
the matter of slavery ; and these difficulties commenced, or rather this agita- 
tion commenced, some fifteen years ago. The doctrine was then advanced, 
that slavery was in itself, and independent of the circumstances which sur- 
rounded it, sinful, and ought to be put down, without any regard to con- 
sequences, and without any regard to the effect of its sudden abolition 
on the prosperity and happiness of our sister States in which that domes- 
tic institution prevails. Those doctrines have been advanced, and have 
grown into a magnitude which now certainly threatens this country with 
serious difficulty, and which, if they be not put down, may terminate in 
the dissolution of our Union, and the destruction of this glorious Republic, 
which is held forth as a bright example to all the nations of the world, with 
a view to spread those liberal institutions under which we have enjoyed so 
much prosperity. Till the period to which I allude, the doctrines entertained 
on that subject, are perfectly well known to all of us. We all considered the 
institution of slavery in itself as injurious, and as an evil. But we found it 
existing in our country, having been originally introduced when we were in a 
state, of pupilage, before we acquired our independence, and it has grown with 
the growth of this country, so that it will require a long time before its total 
abolition can take place. The institution of slavery has existed since the 
commencement of the world, and in all ages. It has undoubtedly been, in 
the early periods of society, a great instrument in promoting civilization, by 
introducing labor and the fruits of labor ; but in process of time, when society 
becomes more cultivated, when the arts flourish, and stronsr inducements are 



AT CASTLE GARDEN". 7 

held out to voluntary labor, it is better for a people that it should not exist, 
except in eases where it has previously existed, and where the sudden destruc- 
tion of it would produce more evils than it would remedy. Where this evi' 
exists, where it is interwoven with all the interests of a country, it is, of course, 
a very difficult matter to abolish it ; and every country in which it prevails 
should be allowed to take its own time hi the destruction of it. About the 
period to which 1 allude — some fifteen years ago — a new doctrine was propa- 
gated ou ibis subject. The idea was then put forth, that slavery was in itself, 
per n<", a sin — that it. ought to be abolished, at all events, and, like everything 
wh,ich is sinful, it ought to be abolished without regard to consequence* This, 
unquestionably, was a new doctrine. It was repugnant to the views enter- 
tained by the patriots of this country, by the fathers of the Revolution. They 
considered slavery to be an evil — that it was prejudicial in its effects — like 
despotism, which is a political evil ; but it was only an evil when it was not 
calculated to promote the good of society. It was thereibre to be viewed in 
reference to iis etiecls, and they thought we should look to the consequences 
before wl undertook to abolish it. The idea that it was sinful in itself, like 
murder or robbery, and that it ought at once to be abolished, without regard 
to consequences, never entered the heads of those patriots who led this coun- 
try originally to independence and freedom. This notion, however, as I before 
remarked, took ground some fifteen years ago, and then our abolitionists de- 
clared, that it was the duty of this country, under all circumstances, and 
without regard to consequences, suddenly to abolish it, looking only at the 
question of slavery being in itself sinful, and viewing it as an institution 
which ought not to be allowed to exist. Now, we consider this doctrine 
erroneous. We consider, that where this institution exists, we must look at 
consequences, and that it. will not do to abolish and destroy it without taking 
into consideration the etlects that would result, and without considering whether 
it would promote the happiness of mankind to abolish it or to sutler it to con- 
tinue. (Applause.) The idea that slavery is in itself sinful, is unquestion- 
ably repugnant to the general sentiment of mankind, because we all know, 
that in the earlier stages of society, shivery has been instrumental in intro- 
ducing institutions favorable to the promotion of civilization ; but after a period 
of time, the progress of society will require that it should be abolished. It 
will, however, need time to do so, and it must be left to every country in 
which it exists, to judge as to the time and circumstances under which it 
shall be abolished. In the Southern Htates, where it prevails, they ought to 
be allowed to judge for themselves, and we ought, not to interfere with them. 
(Great applause.) 

This idea, that conscience dictates that slavery is, in itself, sinful, is, as 
we think, entirely unfounded. We may say of conscience, in regard to this 
subject, as we may say of the test of beauty and sublimity, — of taste in the 
fine arts — that when we find the general sentiment of mankind to accord on 
such subjects, we ought to esteem it to be correct. Conscience, like taste, is 
an internal sense, which may be cultivated and improved, and which may 
also be stimulated and excited till it becomes morbid and dangerous. This 
is a view of the matter which even good and well disposed men, too often 
lose sight of, and which if it were properly attended to. there would be less 
evil committed from excessive zeal and wild enthusiasm. A celebrated 
critic remarks, that if any one should take it into his head that Horace, or 
Virgil, or Demosthenes, or any of the other great authors, were not entitled 
to the reputation which they have enjoyed, that individual ought to reflect 
that the general sentiment of mankind" has pronounced in favor of those 
authors, and, instead of being dogmatical on the subject, he ought to take 



& PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

pains to make himself familiar with those authors, and, by the time he had 
done so, he would approve of the common opinion of mankind. Now we 
may apply this to the question of slavery. When we find that slavery has 
existed in all ages, and in all countries ; when we find it has been an impor- 
tant instrument in the civilization of man ; that in all ages and in all coun- 
tries, many of the best and purest and most pious men have sanctioned sla- 
very, and have been the owners of slaves ; when an individual takes it into 
his head to pronounce it sinful, — we ought to take the general sentiment of 
mankind as the guide, and that general sentiment will prove the error into 
which he has fallen. And the only question is, whether the institution of 
slavery in the state of society in which it exists is calculated to promote its 
general interests. This is the true view of the subject. This was 
the view taken of it by the patriots of the revolution. They were 
all opposed to slavery in the abstract, but they found it existing 
in this country, and they were too well acquainted with human 
affairs, to think that it could be at once abolished, and their views have been 
corroborated by the experience we have seen in the emancipation of the 
negroes in the British West Indian Colonies. (Cheering and applause.) What 
has been the effect of the sudden abolition of slavery in those colonies ? It 
has blighted their prosperity and almost destroyed them, and we may 
venture the assertion, that if we were to bring about the sudden abolition of 
slavery in the Soiithern States, it would be attended with the prostration of 
industry as it was in the West Indies, and we should be in a much worse 
condition than they are ; for when we look at the character of our country and 
of our institutions which are free and liberal, — when we reflect that where 
slavery is abolished the slaves must be put on an equality with the whites, 
(voice — never,) and that we cannot have a standing army, such as exists in 
Great Britain ; the consequences would be a servile insurrection in the 
Southern States, a civil war — the most destructive of all wars — a servile 
war, the most destructive of all civil wars — would be the necessary result. 
Now are we to shut our eyes and ears to such consequences and to entertain 
and act upon the idea that slavery is in itself sinful, like robbery or any other 
crime, and that it must be abolished without regard to consequences ? Are 
we to subject the Southern States, our Southern fellow-citizens, and their 
wives and children, to such consequences as they apprehend, and as we have 
every reason to believe would ensue, if we undertook to carry into effect such an 
absurd doctrine, as I am sorry to say, prevails among a large portion of the 
community, in the Northern and Eastern States ? (Cries of no, no, no, from 
all parts of the house.) I have said that the object of this meeting is to put 
down agitation on the subject of slavery. We know the extent to which 
this agitation has been carried within the last fifteen years, or there- 
abouts. The very moment the idea was adopted, that slavery was in itself 
a sin, and ought to be at once abolished, without regard to consequences, a 
system of agitation was entered upon by a portion of the people in the E ast- 
ern and Middle States for the purpose of destroying it. They commenced by 
flooding Congress with petitions praying for the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia. They were not content with finding those petitions set 
aside and rejected, but they persevered in it, and Congress was from day to 
day, inundated with petitions of the same character. This was unquestion- 
ably an abuse of the right of petition. If I may be allowed to refer to a sub- 
ject with which I profess to be somewhat familiar (the practice of Courts of 
Justice,) I say that every man has a right to present his petition in due form to 
any court of justice ; but when it is passed upon, if he persists hour after hour, 
and day after day in renewing it, it would be an abuse of the right of peti- 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 9 

tion. That was the case with the abolition petitions, with which the legis- 
lature of the Union was thus flooded. 

I have referred to that as the commencement of this agitation ; it was not 
expected by those who furnished them that this constant renewal of these peti- 
tions would prevail. On the contrary the abolitionists knew that it could 
not ; but the object was to keep up the agitation ; and through the agency of 
a distinguished statesman, now deceased, they succeeded in carrying on this 
system until, to a certain extent, they alienated the mind of the South from 
the North, and the North from the South, and increased the number of abo- 
litionists to an indefinite extent. This was the commencement of that system 
of agitation which we now deplore. It has been growing ever since, and has 
assumed different shapes, and at the last session of the national legislature, 
an attempt was made to put it down, by passing a number of acts, commonly 
called peace measures. We are all aware to what extent the agitation arising 
from the discussion of those acts, was carried in the Halls of Congress. We 
are all aware of the conflict of opinions, and of the debates carried on, until 
finally, the opposing parties seemed to rest by a sort of mutual consent, and 
ihose measures were finally passed, in the hope that they would put an end to 
all agitation on the subject. But now, unfortunately, after they have been 
passed, it is attempted to agitate this subject among certain portions of our 
people ; and the object of calling this meeting, which I trust will be followed 
up by others throughout the country, is to express our approval of those mea- 
sures, and our disapproval of the attempt to continue this agitation, which we 
apprehend, if allowed to continue, will end in the destruction of this Union, 
and the destruction of the hopes of all republicans in every part of the world ; 
in the destruction of that bright example which we set in this country of an 
established republic — a republic calculated to promote the general happi- 
ness and prosperity of mankind. I have now. my friends, said all that it is 
proper for me to say on this occasion. You will be addressed by a number of 
gentlemen, without any regard to party ; for on the great question of the pre- 
servation or dissolution of the Union, we must rise above the billows of party 
spirit — (tremendous applause) — and reviving the old spirit of " '76," which 
knew no party hut the one great party of 'the country, a great National party, 
headed by the great man whose memory lives in the hearts of us all, and 
whose image presides over us, (pointing to the likeness of Washington over 
the stage,) I trust we shall be able to rise above party spirit, and look only 
to the Union, and the great interests which the Union involves. 

The President having finished his remarks, announced that Mr. Gerard 
would first address the meeting, and would offer some resolutions for its adop- 
tion. This announcement was received with acclamations, and the gentle- 
man named took the stand amidst great cheering from all sides of the crowded 
hall. 

Prior to Mr. Gerard's rising, the President desired the Secretary to read 
the two letters which follow. They were listened to with deep attention, the 
closing sentence of Mr. Dickinson's and various parts of Mr. Webster's being 
received with the most enthusiastic applause, and several interruptions lor tire 
purpose of giving round after round of cheers. 

Franklin, N. H., Oct. 28, 1850. 
Gentlemen : Nothing in the world but regard for the state of my health pre- 
vents me from accepting at once your invitation, and assuring you of my presenoe 
at the "Union Meeting" at Castle Garden, on Wednesday evening next. I rejoice 
to know that such a meeting is called. I rejoice to know that it will be attended 



10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

by thousands of intelligent men, lovers of their country, party men doubtless, but 
abject slaves to no party, and who will not suffer either party clamor or party dis- 
cipline to dry up within them all the fountains of love and attachment to the con- 
stitution of their country. The voice of such a meeting will be heard and respected ; 
it will rebuke disobedience to the laws, actual or threatened ; it will tend to check 
the progress of mad fanaticism ; it will call men who are honest, but who have been 
strongly misled, back to their duty, and it will give countenance and courage to the 
faithful friends of Union throughout the land. 

When the commercial interests of the Great Metropolis of the country speaks, 
with united hearts and voices, expressing its conviction of the presence of the great 
danger, and its determined purpose to meet that danger, to combat with it and over- 
come it, the example is likely to rouse good men everywhere; and when the country 
shall be roused, the country will be safe. 

I concur, gentlemen, in all the political principles contained in the resolutions,* 
a copy of which has been sent to me; and I stand pledged to support those prin- 
ciples, publicly and privately, now and always, to the full extent of my influence) 
and by the exertion of every faculty which I possess. The eminent men whom you 
mention, and with whose names you have done me the honor to associate mine, arc 
well worthy of the praise which you bestow upon them. I shall never forget, and 
I trust the country will never forget, the patriotism, the manliness, the courage, 
manifested by them, in an hour of difficulty and peril. 

The peace measures of the last session are, the Texan Boundary Act, the Act 
for establishing the two Territorial governments of New Mexico and Utah, the Act 
for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, and the Fugitive 
Slave Law. This last measure, gentlemen, is not such a measure as I had pre- 
pared before I left the Senate, and which, of course, I should have supported, if I 
had remained in the Senate. But it received the proper sanction of the two 
Houses of Congress, and of the President of the United States. It is the law of 
the land, and as sxich is to be respected and obeyed by all good citizens. I have 
heard no man whose opinion is worth regarding, deny its constitutionality; and those 
who counsel violent resistance to it, counsel that, which, if it take place, is sure 
to lead to bloodshed, and to the commission of capital offences. It remains to be 
seen how far the deluded and deluders will go on, in this career of faction, folly and 
crime. 

There were honest and well-meaning members of Congress, who did not see 
their way clear to support these great and leading measures of the last session. 
You are quite right in saying that the motives of these gentlemen ought not to 
be impeached. But the measures have been adopted, they have become laws, 
constitutionally and legally binding upon us all. and no man is likely to oppos« 

them. 

No man is at liberty to set ixp, or affect to set up, his own conscience as above 
the law in a matter which respects the rights of others, and the obligations, civil, 
social, and political, due to others from him. Such a pretence saps the foundation 
of all government, and is of itself a perfect absurdity : and while all are bound to 
yield obedience to the laws, wise and well disposed citizens will forbear from re- 
newing past agitation, and rekindling the flames of useless and dangerous con- 
troversy. 

If we would continue one people, we must acquiesce in the will of the majority, 

♦ The resolutions here referred to are those which were afterwards adopted by the meeting. 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. jj 

constitutionally expressed ; and he who does not mean to do that, means to disturb 
the public peace, and to do what he can to overturn the government. 

Gentlemen, I am led to the adoption of your last resolution, in an especial and 
emphatic maimer, by every dictate of my understanding, and I embrace it with a 
full purpose of heart and mind. Its sentiment is my sentiment. With you, I de- 
clare that I " range myself under the bamiers of that party whose principles and prac- 
tice are most calculated to uphold the Constitution, aud to perpetuate our gloriou- 
Union.- U 

Gentlemen, I am here to recruit my health, enfeebled as it has been, by ten 
months of excessive labor and indescribable anxiety. The air of these my native 
hills renews my strength and my spirits. I feel its invigorating influences, while I 
am writing these few lines ; and I shall return shortly to my post, to discharge its 
duties as well as I can, and resolved, in all events, that so far as depends on me. 
our Union shall pass- through this fiery trial, without the smell of smoke upon its 
garments. I am. Gentlemen, with very sincere regard, 

Your obliged fellow citizen, 

And obedient servant. 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 

To Messrs. F. S. Lathrop, Gerard Hallock, Charles G. Carleton, P. S. Duryee, 
Committee. New- York. 



Binghamton, Oct. 29th, 1850. 
My Dear Sir : — 

A most painful domestic affliction causes me to decline your kind invitation to 
attend a " Union Meeting" of the citizens of New- York, at Castle Garden, to-mor- 
row evening ; but I approve its patriotic purposes and sympathise warmly with the 
movement. 

I thank you for the complimentary manner in which you are pleased to allude 
to my humble efforts in the Senate, and assure you, that I long since determined to 
stand or fall, u survive or perish, live or die," with those who would maintain the 
integrity of the Union and uphold the genial spirit of our country's Constitution. 

Be pleased to present my best regards to the patriotic assemblage, and believe 
me sincerely. Yours, D. S. DICKINSON. 

To F. S. Lathrop, Esq., 

Chairman Committee, &c. 
James W. Gerard then came forward, and said : — 

I come at your call, citizens of this my native place, to meet you by 
thousands and tens of thousands, and sacrificing at the altar of our common 
country, Our party prejiidices and our party predilections, to rally around the 
standard of the Republic, and in this the hour of its peril, concert such mea- 
sures as may be best calculated to perpetuate our Union. 

Merchants, Traders and Mechanics of this the empire city, your voice 
and action of this night will be heard and felt throughout the length and 
breadth of this great Republic ; it will be heard and felt in the States of 
New England, among the descendants of the Pilgrims — beyond even the 
granite, frosty mountains of New Hampshire. Your A r oice and action of this 
night will be heard and felt through the Middle States of our Union, and, 
carrying aid and comfort, will be hailed with gladness through our Southern 
sister States, down to the orange groves of Florida. Ripe manhood of our 
Southern brethren will thank you for standing up for their constitutional 
rights, and their wives and children will bless you, in their prayers, for the 



jo PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

security which you give them? against the attacks of fanatics who would dis- 
turb their domestic relations ; for you pledge yourselves not to war against 
their rights, but against the men who assail them. Yes, your voice and 
action of this night will be heard and felt along our fifteen hundred miles of 
sea-coast, and every commercial place will leap for joy, and join in the gen- 
eral rally for the " Constitution and the Union." Hence, following the sun 
in his western course, your voice Avill resound through the great valleys of 
your western rivers, and, overleaping the barrier of the Rocky Mountains, 
will not die away until it reaches the new El Dorado on the shores of the 
Pacific — the youngest sister State of the Union. 

Yes, your action to-night, before to-morrow's sun shall set, will be car- 
ried by steam and liglitning to every city, town, and village of as glorious a 
land as the sun ever shone upon. The friends of the Union, from every 
mountain-top and from every valley, shall join in the swelling chorus of the 
.shout which we shall commence here to-night, of the " Constitution, the 
Compromise, and the Union." 

More than sixty years ago our Republic was launched into existence ; 
the Constitution adopted by all the States, bond and free, was founded upon 
mutual concession and compromise, and by mutual concession and compro- 
mise alone can it be sustained. For sixty years the States of the North and 
the South, under the balancing power of the Constitution, have harmoniously 
revolved in the respective orbits prescribed to them, and have gone on pros- 
perously in their course without crossing each others' path. 

As the emblem of the rising Republic, our fathers selected the proud 
bird of Jove, the king-bird of our forest, and on the scroll depending from its 
beak, stamped their motto, " E Pluribus Unum" " the Union < one and indi- 
visible." And well has the upward course of our country justified that em- 
blem. As the eagle in its circling flight to the upper regions of the skies, 
with a wing that never tires, and with an eye that never winks, faces and 
dares the very sun in his firmament, so has our country risen higher and higher 
in prosperity and renown, until we have placed ourselves in the front rank of 
the proud nations of the earth. Feats of art and science', rivalling deeds of 
arms, and the statesmen and warriors of the South striving with the states- 
men and soldiers of the North, which should add most to the welfare and 
glory of their common country. Cursed, then, be the patricidal arm which 
shall check that eagle's flight, and palsied be the hand which shall pluck a 
feather from that eagle's wing ! 

The object of this meeting is to ask your ratification and endorsement, 
after they have been discussed, of the peace measures passed at the last ses- 
sion of Congress, in regard to the delicate and dangerous question of slavery, 
the great subject of the day. You all know, that Northern abolitionists, 
banded with Southern disunionists, for ten long months paralyzed legislation : 
the wheels of government were motionless, and the friends of the Union stood 
in awe at the audacity of those who struck at its sacred ties. Abolition mem- 
bers and Southern disunionists, (goaded by continual attacks upon their slave- 
ry institution,) who are, in their destructive principles, as wide asunder as the 
poles, united together in the common cause of breaking asunder this glorious 
Union. Then was it that the real patriots in Congress threw off their party 
shackles and sectional prejudices, and Whig and Democrat, as well from the 
South as from the North, disregarding the shackles of their party relations, 
sectional prejudices and personal considerations, threw themselves into the 
breach, and, by their united energies, devised and carried those measures of 
compromise at which the whole nation rejoiced — which gave peace to Con- 
gress and confidence to the people, and set again in motion the wheels of 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 13 

government. Nobly did they do their work ; but scarcely were the troubled 
waters lulled, when the malcontents from the North and South, uneasy spirits, 
who would rather " rule in hell than serve in heaven," who only rise into 
notice on the scum which they create by their own agitation, immediately 
revived the discussion of the slavery question in most offensive shapes, and 
sought to throw fresh firebrands into Congress. This proceeding, you will 
fmcf, gives rise to three resolutions, which will be offered for your approval . 
First, to honor those patriotic members of Congress who, at great personal 
sacrifices, shoulder to shoulder, fought for those bills which settled these dan- 
gerous issues ; and among the names of the men thus honored, you will find 
that the North and the South, the Whig and the Democrat, are alike hon- 
ored in the resolution. 

The next will be one to condemn the patricidal conduct of those mem- 
bers as a class, both from the North and from the South, whether Whig 
or Democrat, who wished to rekindle the fires of discord, which had just 
been extinguished. 

The third Resolution will be to support with all the power and energy 
of this great city, those measures of Pcdce and Compromise which were so 
happily passed. This land must have Peace. We must lay these unruly 
spirits. The Southern States believe that their very existence, and the 
security of their lives and their property require it. We guarantied the 
compromise to them, and let us in good faith fulfil that obligation. 

The crowned heads of Europe and their counsellors, look with deep 
interest upon this conflict among ourselves. Oh ! how they will rejoice if 
our Republic should fall from a plethora of its own greatness, and the fabric 
of the model Republic, should crumble into ruins. But no, the crowned 
heads and the enemies of Republics in the Old World shall be disappointed, 
for we will send forth from this, the great commercial capital, the great heart 
of our country, a voice for the Union in which the whole land will join in 
general chorus, and ring the death-knell of the abolitionists and trading 
politicians, who have brought our Union to a fearful peril. 

One of those peace-measures was the Fugitive Slave Bill, which has 
been so shamefully misrepresented by lying agitators, to those who are not 
informed as to its provisions. This bill of the last session, is nothing more 
than an amendment, to the Act of 1793, which Act was based upon a clearly 
expressed clause in the Constitution. This bill of the last session, gives no 
new right to the claimants of runaway slaves. I give you the assurance of 
my private and professional word, that it has not superseded the law of 1793, 
which is still in force, nor extended its principle, but is merely an amendment 
to it, by allowing a hearing before United States Commissioners, and for 
greater convenience, imposing heavier penalties than the former law, on those 
who should obstruct its execution. As I stand here before you, I declare that 
according to ray best judgment, after a careful perusal of the law, of its scope 
and object, no argument can be held against its constitutionality. The 
Southern States did not voluntarily assume the relation of slavery : it was 
entailed upon them by their British ancestors ; it was their misfortune to 
bear it, not their crime. Sixty years ago their rights of slavery were 
guarantied to them, as also this power to reclaim their runaway slaves, by 
the contitution. It is now too late to say that slavery should not have been 
conceded to the Southern States ; the perfect answer is, it was conceded, with 
the power of reclaiming their runaway slaves. This law has not only 
existed, but has been acted upon for fifty years. Why is it then, that 
opposition has now for the first time been raised to the enforcement of it ? 
Because abolitionists set up their destructive principles for sale ; and 



14 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING. 

demagogues who want votes, and politicians who want place and power, 
have bargained for, and purchased their votes and influence. Both the Whig 
and the Democratic parties have hid upon each other in this vile traffic of 
destructive principles and false issues. Thus both parties have been 
poisoned and corrupted, and their conservative principles abandoned by the 
leaders of sections of each. But let us make war upon them both, and cut 
oft' the poisoned limbs, that we may if possible save the body from the 
corrupting influence. I "have been a member of the "Whig party from its 
commencement. I like my party much, but I love my country more, and 
before I will fight under the banners and for the abolition principles of some 
of its leaders in this State, I will see the Whig party broken into ten 
thousand fragments. I will rebel against their dictation, I will snatch from 
the hands of the unworthy standard-bearers, the banner which they abuse, 
and if I am alone, will wave it over my head, and stand or fall by it. i" do 
not desert them, nor its conservative principles, but the Whig party deserts 
me, for the leaders, like the Israelites of old, in their mad idolatry, have 
gone lusting after strange gods. I will have no compromise with abolition 
principles, or abolition leaders — we must root them up as poisonous weeds ; 
we must put upon them the ban of public opinion, and drive them from our 
midst, as did the Levitcs the lepers from their cities, and we must prostrate 
them to the earth, and as they throw dust upon their heads, compel them to 
raise the cry of warning, " unclean'' 1 — "unclean." 

As to Free Soil, we are all for free soil. There is not a man north of 
Mason and Dixon's line, who ever wishes to see slavery extended beyond the 
area now prescribed by law ; but the God of nature, by the rugged moun- 
tains, rocky deserts, and by the climate and soil and rich vallies of our free 
territories, has created a proviso against the further extension of slavery, 
stronger than ten thousand Wilmots can draw. 

As to slavery in the abstract, I do not believe there is a man north of 
Mason and Dixon's line, who would not rejoice if to-morrow's sun could rise 
upon the black population of the South Constitutionally free ; for our Afri- 
can brother, be he bond or free, springs with us from the same mother earth, is 
bound with us into one common grave, and heir with us to one immortality. 
I believe I am a much better abolitionist than those who would mislead the 
colored race to their ruin. The laws to reclaim runaway slaves, must and 
will be strictly guarded and watched in their execution. I will with all my 
heart, without fee or reward, give to any alleged slave who may be arrested 
under the act, my services as his counsel, if he will trust me with his cause ; 
I will defend him with all the legal skill and power I may be master of, but, 
if after a full hearing, the Commissioner on the proof pronounces against him, 
he and I must submit to the Law. But even then a deserving, meritorious 
slave shall not be without hope. I will set about buying his freedom, (but I 
will not go among the abolitionists for their subscription,) and I will contri- 
bute towards it my first fee, to make him a free and regenerated man. In 
that sense I am an abolitionist. 

There are two other resolutions, which I am sure will meet the ap- 
proval of all who hear me. They are, that we hold the ties of the Union, 
stronger than the shackles of party, and that at no future election will we 
vote for any candidate, who is known or believed to be favorable to a further 
agitation in Congress of the slavery question, or who would countenance the 
abolitionists in their destructive course. I here to-night for one, renounce all 
party allegiance, where it comes in conflict with my allegiance to the Union. 
My motto is, my country first, my party last. I will render no personal 
subserviency to any candidate who is not sound on that subject ; I care net for 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 15 

the phalanx of party, as I have no political ambition to gratify. I have 
never bowed the knee to popular favor, I have never asked the people for 
their votes, I have never touched a dollar of the people's money. My post of 
honor is a private station. 

Hereafter I will see wloo are the conservative candidates, not where they 
are, and if my party gives itself up to leaders who will betray its principles, 
I will no longer fight under its banner, but if need be I will go over to the 
conservative branch of the old Democratic party, and with a buck-tail in my 
hat, and the tattered banner of old Saint Tammany waving over me, I will 
there aid in fighting the battle of "the Constitution, the Compromise, and 
the Union." 

A few words more. Look at your flag, the star spangled banner of the 
Union unfurled over my head — are you willing to surrender it ? Are you pre- 
pared to strike your colors ? Look at the bright cluster of one and thirty stars, 
and the red stripes beneath them. The stars representing the glorious constel- 
lation of our confederacy, the stripes intended for our foes abroad, and if need 
be for the backs of our enemies at home. And when and by whom was that 
flag devised ? It was when Patrick Henry from the South, echoing back 
the cry of liberty which Samuel Adeems raised in the North — a cry which 
awoke the energies of our land from its slumbering and called out our people 
to battle — our glorious flag was first unfurled to the world under our great 
and good Washington, its first standard bearer ! ! ! 

Under that flag the battles of your Revolution were fought, and your 
country's independence established. No ! The lustre of the constellation 
must not be dimmed, no State must erase its star, there must be no pleiad 
lost from its azure field, but all keep and shine together in one bright glori- 
ous constellation. 

That flag in our commercial marine has fluttered in every breeze on all 
the waters of the earth, cheering and comforting the American citizen in every 
clime in which he may seek protection under its ample folds. Where is your 
flag now ? Not on the battle-field, (for we are at peace with all nations,) 
but in the frozen waters of the Arctic Sea, leading on and encouraging Ame- 
rican sailors amidst the dangers and hardships of the Polar ocean, in a great 
and good cause, which has enlisted the sympathies of the world, the cause of 
humanity. 

That flag, too, bears the marks of many a hard-fought day, when un- 
furled on the battle-fields of Mexico. Great victories were won under it, 
while many a soldier in his expiring gaze on its galaxy of stars, scarce felt 
the wounds which robbed him of life. Will you strike that glorious flag, 
victorious at the cannon-bristling heights of Monterey, under the brave old 
General who never surrendered but to Him who rules the universe, and which 
was planted in triumph on the proud palaces of the Mexican capital by a vic- 
torious army led on by another brave General, who still lives to maintain in 
full force and vigor the constitution and laws of his country imder that flag. 

" Will you strike that Flag ? Never — never ! ! !" (The Speaker was 
often interrupted with bursts of applause.) 

Mr. Gerard then read the following Resolutions : — 

" 1. Resolved, That we revere the wisdom and patriotism of our ances- 
tors, which framed the Union of the States under the Federal Constitution ; 
that we attribute our power, dignity, and prosperity as a nation, the full pos- 
session and enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, the security of property 
and the means of moral and intellectual elevation which are the birthright of 
every citizen, and all the magnificent results of our growth as a people, to the 
Union under the Constitution ; that the maintenance and extension of these 



16 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETIMG 

great blessings during the present generation, and their transmission to pos- 
terity, are secure only by a faithful adherence to the Union, and implicit obe- 
dience to the Constitution. 

" 2. Resolved, That the fabric of our general government was the pro- 
duct of reciprocal concession among the conflicting interests of different sec- 
tions of the country; of mutual respect for the diversities of opinion which 
prevailed among the citizens, and of sincere affection, begotten by their com- 
mon origin, and the common perils, toils and sacrifices through which their 
common liberties had been won ; and that the general government can be 
sustained and perpetuated only upon the same basis of concession, respect, 
and affection. 

"3. Resolved, That we cordially approve of the recent measures of Con- 
gress for the adjustment of the dangerous questions arising out of the acqui- 
sition of territory under the treaty with Mexico, and that, in consideration of 
the various and discordant interests to be affected thereby, we hold that the 
compromise is a fair one, and ought to be sustained by every patriot in every 
part of the land. 

' ; 4. Resolved, That the heartfelt thanks of this community, and of the 
whole nation, are due, and, on our part, are hereby tendered, to those eminent 
statesmen and patriots, Clay, Cass, Webster, Fillmore, Dickinson, Foote, Hous- 
ton, and others, who, when they saw the Union in danger, threw themselves 
into the breach, disregarding all personal consequences, forgetting all party pre- 
dilections, and willing to be sacrificed, if need be, for the good of the country. 
Resolved, That by this patriotic devotion to their country's good in a crisis 
so momentous, they have achieved for themselves immortal honor, and for 
the Union, we trust, an imperishable existence. 

"5. Resolved, That those members of Congress from this State, who, 
against influences the most unfavorable to the exercise of a sound judgment, 
sustained the peace measures by their votes, have conferred a lasting obliga- 
tion upon their constituents, and upon the whole country. 

"G. Resolved, That, while we do not impeach the motives of members 
who opposed, during their passage through Congress, those measures, in our 
opinion so indispensably necessary to the peace of the country, we do espe- 
cially condemn the conduct of those who, after the happy settlement of these 
dangerous questions by the passage of the Compromise Bills, and while all 
were congratulating themselves and each other that the era of good feeling 
had returned, have sought, by again agitating the subject, to throw new fire- 
brands of mischief into Congress and the country. 

" 7. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Bill is in accordance with the 
express stipulations of the constitution of the United States, as carried out 
by the act of Congress of 1793, signed by Washington, and in force at the 
time when the present law was passed ; and that Congress, in passing a law 
which should be efficient for carrying out the stipulations of the constitu- 
tion, acted in full accordance with the letter and spirit of that instrument, 
and that we will sustain this law, and the execution of the same, by all law- 
ful means. 

" 8. Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, a further agitation of 
the slavery question in Congress would be fraught with incalculable danger 
to our Union, and that we will support no candidate at the ensuing, or any 
other election, for State officers or for members of Congress, or of the Legisla- 
ture, who is known or believed to be hostile to the peace measures recently 
adopted by Congress, or any of them, or in favor of re-opeuing the questions 
involved in them for renewed agitation. (Great applause.) 

" 9. Resolved, That we regard our obligation to the constitution and the 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. yj 

Union as superior to the ties of any of the political parties to which we may 
hitherto have belonged, and that on all future occasions we will range our- 
selves under the banner of that party whose principles and practice are most 
calculated to uphold the constitution and to perpetuate our glorious Union." 

Mr. 0' Conor then arose and addressed the meeting. He said : — 
Fellow Citizens : I respond with great pleasure to the liberal and 
patriotic sentiments of my friend, who has just addressed you. Though a 
steady and consistent whig, he avows his resolution to sustain no candidate of 
that party, who shall be found to countenance the efforts now making to 
excite sectional strife and alienate one portion of our country from the other. 
I rejoice in the opportunity afforded me to emulate his public virtue, and to 
show that there is, at least, one democrat, not less devoted than he to 
party organization, party associations, and political friendships, who is yet as 
ready as he or any whig can be, to sacrifice them all when necessary to the 
safety of our common country. The same sentiment, no doubt, pervades this 
whole assemblage. It must be so. We are on the verge of a state election — 
party is pitted against party, and all the energy and interest incident to a 
political strife are displayed. Yet, of a sudden, we find this numerous and 
respectable body of citizens, stepping aside from their usual associations, and 
without distinction of party, assembled in council to devise means for 
preserving the commonwealth from impending dangers. Believing, as I do, 
that serious evils threaten us, I am rejoiced to witness this spontaneous 
exhibition of patriotism. It is called for by the exigencies of the times, and 
cannot fail to exert a benign influence. It will encourage and reinforce true 
men throughout the land, to see how readily the chief city of our republic 
can fill her largest hall with devoted friends of the Union, prepared at any 
and at every sacrifice to guard it from peril. 

We have reached a stage in our country's progress, of the deepest interest. 
The experience of seventy years has tested the capacity of republican insti- 
tutions, to secure both private rights and public liberty. The embarrassing 
questions which arose out of the working of a new and untried system, have 
been discussed, experimented upon, and generally brought to a satisfactory 
adjustment. The parent state has adopted enlightened views of trade, 
practice has taught our mercantile class the error of former opinions in respect 
to currency and banking, our statesmen, influenced by these and similar 
circumstances, have gradually surrendered extreme doctrines, and together 
with them the personal antipathies to which they had given rise. In the 
satisfied state of the public mind upon political and financial questions, a 
millennium seemed dawning upon us. As a consequence, our country has 
advanced and is tranquilly advancing with giant strides. Each day brings 
home new acquisitions. Emigration swells the tide of our progress to an 
extent unparalleled in history. Nations, in their sovereign capacity, present 
themselves as suppliants for admission into our confederacy, and all the 
elements of individual prosperity and happiness are increased and accu- 
mulated within our borders, in a degree corresponding with our advance in 
national greatness. New States spring into being and are added to our 
Union, so rapidly that a common memory can scarcely keep the count. 
Why should we not continue in our high career ? Why should we not go on 
prospering, and to prosper, until our national flag shall bear a hundred stars, 
each the representative of an empire ? That is the question we are now to 
answer. The political incendiary, for selfish ends has kindled the flames of 
civil discord ; and if not interrupted in his wicked designs, this happy state 
of things must cease. Our dismembered Union may be broken into frag- 



IQ PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

c 

merits, and its holy mission for the elevation of mankind utterly defeated. 
In free States there must ever he differences of opinion, political parties and 
popular leaders. They are unavoidable incidents, indeed they are necessary 
to the public weal. And leaders and parties, notwithstanding their diversities 
of opinion, may be honest and patriotic. Rival projects of policy may differ 
in merit and in their effect upon classes, whilst their leading objects are yet 
the common good. In these the patriot statesman finds employment, and a 
field for honorable competition. The political course of such men as Clay, 
and Cass, and Webster, and Dickinson, serve to illustrate these truths. But 
it is our misfortune to have amongst us, politicians insatiable in the pursuit 
of power and place, whom no considerations can restrain from their accustomed 
pursuit, whatever the cost or however mischievous may be the means they 
find it necessary to employ. In the general peace and prosperity which has 
of late reigned amongst us, these men were threatened with a total loss of 
occupation. To avert from themselves the evil of oblivion, they have 
brought into the arena, a fruitful element of discord. It has been seized upon 
at the same instant by the most distinguished tactician of this class, in each 
of the great political parties, the arch-magician of the democrats, and the 
renowned hobby-rider of the whigs. It has almost wholly broken up pre- 
existing political organizations, and by arraying in deadly hostility the North 
against the South, menaces our dearest interests. Though hitherto of 
apparently adverse opinions we find these two leaders now advocating the 
same doctrines, working by like agencies, and aiming at the same ends. 
A secret understanding no doubt exists between their followers, soon to be 
consummated by an avowed co-partnership, for mutual gain. Shall we follow 
either, or with impressive unanimity, shall we condemn them both ? Before 
this meeting was held the abolition organs had answered the question. Whilst 
vaunting that the whole North was recreant, they have unformly admitted our 
fidelity to the constitution. They tell us that the Fugitive Slave Law, the most 
important of the peace measures recently adopted by Congress, indispensable 
to the protection of southern interests, and necessary to the fulfilment of our 
constitutional obligations, cannot be enforced in any part of the Northern 
States, except in this city. It is admitted, however, that the imperial city, 
with its half-million of inhabitants, the capital of the New World, is faithful 
to the constitution. That here at least the laws will be executed. Even in this 
libel upon the North, the patriot will find consolation and grounds of assured 
hope for his country. It is said by the Father of Truth that, when two or 
three are gathered together in His name He will be amongst them. We are 
many, united and faithful ; our cause is just. Let us then be its missionaries 
and champions — let us spread the faith and vindicate it. 

Whilst injustice and breach of faith is advocated, we are told there is no 
danger of disunion. That wrong will be patiently submitted to, or resistance 
suppressed by force. Instead of the fraternal Union, that has hitherto existed, 
they would give us a Union, held together by the bayonet. They would have 
us arm as against a foreign foe, as we did against the Briton and the 
Mexican, and marching into the southern States, subject our brethern and 
fellow-citizens to colonial bondage by force of arms. Men of the North, are 
you prepared for this — for a compulsory Union, cemented by the blood of your 
fellow-citizens, shed by yourselves amid the thrilling horrors of a civil war ? 
Forbid it Heaven ! Are you willing to stand with arms in your hands, upon 
the grave of Washington, and dye it with the blood of his countrymen, 
because they dared to defend the dearest interests of their country ? I 
know you do not. For myself, I desire not a Union thus purchased, or thus 
preserved. Whenever partial and unjust legislation, shall render the 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 1 9 

Union disadvantageous and undesireable to any considerable portion of our 
countrymen, I say let them withdraw. I desire no Union held together by 
the military force of one section directed against the other and compelling its 
reluctant obedience. 

To deter you from action, or to weaken your influence, unworthy motives 
are imputed. It is said that the merchants of New-York have a pecuniary 
interest in Southern trade, and are moved by sordid considerations. I repel 
and fling back the unjust reproach. It comes from men accustomed to such 
impulses in their own political conduct. Certainly no such motive exists in 
my own case ; for I have no interests or connections in the slave holding 
States, personal, political or pecuniary. There are some motives of unques- 
tionably purity why Americans of the Northern States should shrink from 
disunion. Let us sunder the ties which now bind these States together, and 
what becomes of all that is most illustrious in the history of these United 
States of America ? Our greatest pride and glory is that we are citizens of 
that glorious confederacy — one and indivisible — originating with the old 
thirteen States, which first proclaimed to the world, and established on a 
stable basis, the immutable principles of civil liberty. Let us dissolve this 
confederacy and what becomes of the greatness and glory of the American 
name ? They are gone — gone forever. My brethren — men born upon this 
Northern soil — you in whose veins there is no drop of Southern blood, are 
you willing that future generations shall look upon Washington as the hero 
of a by-gone nation that exists no more ? When your sons read our glorious 
Declaration of Independence, and glowing with admiration of its matchless 
eloquence, inquire into its origin and authorship, 'are you willing to tell them 
it was the production of a foreign statesman, that it laid upon weak and 
perishable foundations the basis of a republic which has crumbled into dust ? 
Shall Yorktown, where the seal was set to our independence — New Orleans, 
the battle field on which our prowess was established — shall the grave of 
Washington, who achieved the first triumph, and of Jackson, who accom- 
plished the crowning glory of the last — shall these sacred spots be obliterated 
from the map of your country ? Shall these illustrious names and the glorious 
deeds connected with them pass away from us as a shadow, and attach them- 
selves henceforth and forever to another and a foreign people ? If by our 
injustice we drive the Southern States from the Union, all these will become 
their rightful and their exclusive inheritance. For the preservation of our 
common property in all these — to preserve our ancient glory, our present 
prosperity, the rich and glowing promise of our future, to perpetuate to re- 
motest times the great American name, I will oppose, I am sure you will 
oppose, " the first dawning of any attempt to. alienate one portion of our coun- 
try from the other." If we continue united we shall continue to prosper ; 
our vast unsettled regions of fertile territory will be filled with happy and en- 
lightened men ; we shall fill the measure of our foreshadowed greatness, and 
present in times not far distant, a nation in extent, in power, in benign 
influences, exceeding any that has ever existed or been conceived by the 
imagination. Let us not jeopard these prospects by dissensions about the 
African. Whatever may be thought of the negro's capacity for improve- 
ment it is not wise, benevolent or patriotic, by a doubtful experiment in that 
direction, to hazard the prosperity of the countless millions of white men for 
whom Providence has appointed this continent an asylum and an abode. 1 
trust this meeting, by its resolutions, and our citizens by their votes, will say 
so emphatically, and administer a wholesome rebuke to the agitators of po- 
litical abolitionism. In future elections, let us single out for preference those 
candidates, no matter of what name or political sect, who arc faithful to the 



20 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

Constitution and devoted, before all other earthly duties, to the preservation of 
the Union. Both of the existing great political parties have allowed themselves 
to become more or less contaminated with the sin of supporting or tolerating 
these agents of sectional strife and of disunion, the abolition or free soil agi- 
tators. Between the free soil managers and the expediency-men of sound 
opinions, true, staunch and reliable men can, with difficulty, be found amongst 
the nominees for office. It may, consequently, be difficult to select ; but the 
best must be done that circumstances will admit. I shall single out, for my 
ticket, men who are in favor of peace measures, fraternity with the South, 
and the permanency of the Union. If I cannot find such, I will take those 
who pretend to be so, and thus give my voice for the principle. My friend 
who preceded me, said that if he could not find a National Whig to vote for, 
he would go to Tammany Hall and vote for National Democrats. I know not 
where the Whigs meet, but I will go any where for my candidates, and 
adopt those only who are friends of the Union. Jefferson said, " We are all 
Federalists ; we are all Republicans ;" in humble imitation, I will add, we 
are all Whigs ; we are all Democrats. A better name than Whig cannot 
be worn by an American, a more honorable designation than Democrat can- 
not be found in any vocabulary. I will support any National Whig in pre- 
ference to any of that class of pretended Democrats who are known as free 
soilers. The tactics and purity of that class was well exemplified in the pro- 
ceedings of the late Democratic State Convention, held at Syracuse ; nor did 
their nominal opponents appear on the occasion in a light much more credi- 
table. I had the honor to Represent a district containing, as far as I knew, no 
single free soil Democrat. I endeavored to represent it truly. I presented a 
report that the free soilers had fallen into error of doctrine, and that their or- 
ganization was consequently heterodoxical and irregular. That report was 
adopted by a strong majority. I presented a set of resolutions affirming the 
principles of the national Democratic party, and among them that of the non- 
intervention of Congress in the Anti-Slavery agitation. Those resolutions 
were adopted by a still greater majority. But lo ! when the nominations 
came up, three noted free soilers, devoted advocates of the principles and 
practices denounced by the Convention, were recommended to the people as 
suitable candidates for important State officers. It was said that the Union 
of the party required and sanctioned this sacrifice of consistency. An Union 
of two political bodies entertaining opinions diametrically opposed upon the 
only question now agitating the public mind, or affecting legislative action, 
was deemed lawful, just and honorable ; because it might combine a suffi- 
cient vote to defeat the Whigs, and secure a portion of the public offices to 
each of the temporarily united sections. To no such Union have I ever been, 
or will I ever be, a party. It is unworthy of both sections, amounts to a de- 
sertion of its principles by each, and can serve no honest purpose. I prefer 
an Union of all the friends of Union throughout this menaced republic, to a 
combination of two hostile political factions for temporary success and a par- 
ticipation of spoils. Nevertheless, these candidates were forced upon me, and 
in the congressional district of my residence, a thoi"ough paced political abo- 
litionist has been put in nomination by professing Democrats. For none of 
these shall my vote be cast. Shall I vote for the abolitionist against the Na- 
tional Whig, now a representative in Congress, who supported all the peace 
measures in which we rejoice, and who has thus given earnest of his devotion 
to his country ? Never. Fellow-citizens, let us resolve to withhold our suf- 
frages from any and from every candidate for office who is tainted in any 
degree with the sin of fostering Anti-Slavery agitation for political purposes — 
no matter what his party or his professed political associations — no matter 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



21 



with what studious observance of the forms of party nomination he may have 
hcen robed for the canvass. Let this great metropolis rise in her majesty — 
let her citizens arise as one man, and with one voice rebuke the trading poli- 
ticians who fancy her their thrall. Her example, I trust, will be followed 
elsewhere, and the impulse given here will awaken the whole North to a 
sense of its duty and a just course of action. Thus we may begin a move- 
ment whose ultimate cflects will consign to political extinction the aspirants 
to poAver who would attain their object by the ruin of their country. 

Mr. O'Conor then seconded the resolutions read by Mr. Gerard, which 
were unanimously adopted with the most hearty acclamation. 

During the delivery of his speech, Mr. O'C. was frequently cheered by 
the immense concourse of citizens whom he addressed. 

Mr. Evarts then came forward and addressed the meeting, as follows : 

Among the measures, sir, of the late session of Congress, a session more 
important, perhaps, than any other since the formation of the government, 
was one which purports to provide legal enactments in pursuance of, and for 
the better execution of, a specific obligation imposed by the Federal Constitu- 
tion. It is of this law, the Fugitive Slave Law, that I propose to speak, and 
I shall attempt to exhibit for your intelligent consideration and dispassionate 
judgment, the true character of its most important provisions, in their relation 
to the sacred compact on which the whole fabric of our government rests, and 
to the sound principles of jurisprudence which should mark the laws of every 
nation, and most of all, those of a nation of freemen. 

In approaching this discussion, sir, I have not had the advantage of meet- 
ing with anything which could be called an argument against the validity of 
the law or the propriety of its enactments. It seems, thus far, to have an- 
swered the purposes of the opponents of the law in their public examinations 
of the subject which have fallen under my notice, to call the southern claim- 
ants, availing of its provisions, Slave Catchers; the northern judges, Commis- 
sioners and Marshals, who, m their respective functions, have had occasion to 
discharge official duty under it, Kidnappers, and Slave Hunters, and to exe- 
crate its whole process and procedure as violent and oppressive, and its sanctions 
as cruel. Discussions hi such a tone and temper, scarcely arrest my attention, 
much less attract my confidence. 

I infer, and am warranted to infer, either that such reasoners do not under- 
stand the subject they profess to treat, or that they do not desire or design 
to shed light upon it ; that they are contending not for practical ends and 
the advancement of the right, but to embitter strifes and aggravate dissen- 
sions. 

We are, gentlemen, confirmed in this view of the real motives and ob- 
jects of these malcontents, by the consideration, that of all the great measures 
of the late Congress which your resolutions approve, the Fugitive Slave Law 
is the only one which is not either entirely satisfactory to the North, or in 
its character not capable of disturbance ; the capital for agitation being thus 
reduced, a more active business must be carried on to produce the same pro- 
fitable returns. 

The Convention which framed the Constitution of these United States 
was composed of the wisest and best of men ; in their deliberations and final 
conclusions upon some of the most important provisions of that instrument, 
it is known that marked diversities of opinion prevailed, but in this great 
council in which Washington presided, and the patriotic statesmen of the 
North and South bore equal part, this clause in substance, was unanimously 
adopted. 



22 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws there- 
of, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein 
be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim 
of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." 

I ask you, gentlemen, is there any point defective or imperfect in this 
obligation or in the manner of its creation ? Did force compel or fraud pro- 
cure from the northern delegates unmanly or ignoble concessions ? 

No, the obligation is perfect, and for the common good received the 
free, intelligent and honest assent of all the parties to the great compact of our 
nationality. 

Congress, very soon after the formation of the government, passed a law 
for the execution of this clause of the Constitution, and the act of 1793 has 
remained in force as the sole legislation on the subject until the enactment of 
the present law, in amendment of and supplement to its provisions. 

It is said that the privilege of Habeas Corpus, secured by the Constitution 
of the United States, is infringed by the provisions of the new act. If this 
be so, such provisions are void, and no repeal or agitation is required to annul 
them ; the judgment of the Supreme Court will set that matter right. But 
this writ is not in terms denied by the act, and while the fundamental legis- 
lation of Congress has provided that the writ shall issue in all cases of con- 
finement under any law of the United States, or any order, process, or decree 
of any of its judges or courts, "anything in any act of Congress to the con- 
trary notwithstanding," there is no reason to fear that any court will hold the 
writ to be denied by implication. To be sure, the writ of Habeas Corpus 
being framed only for the enlargement of persons restrained of liberty con- 
trary to, or without authority of law, if the certificate under the Fugitive 
Slave Law be lawful warrant of confinement, the habeas corpus will not 
operate the discharge of the party from custody ; if it be not such lawful 
warrant, then upon the writ of habeas corpus the prisoner will be liberated ; 
and thus this important writ will discharge its appropriate function as quietly, 
as effectually, and upon the same rules of law, as in ordinary cases. The 
only denial of the writ of habeas corpus to the fugitive slave is to be found 
in a statute passed, not at Washington and with the participation of South- 
ern influence, but at Albany, by our own Legislature. This law provides, 
that persons detained under process of any court or judge of the United States, 
in case of their exclusive jurisdiction, shall not be entitled to a writ of habeas 
corpus ; that every petition for the writ shall exclude this as the cause of 
detention complained of ; that if this cause of detention appear on the hear- 
ing, the State magistrate shall at once remand the prisoner, and that such 
magistrate shall not inquire into the justice or legality of any such process. 
Now, the Supreme Court of the United States having held, that legislation 
under this clause of the Constitution is exclusively in Congress, it follows- 
that every person restrained of liberty by process of a judge or court of the 
United States, under the late act of Congress, is denied the writ of habeas 
corpus by our own statute. This law of the State is not to be complained of ; 
it proceeds upon the ground of avoiding a conflict of jurisdictions, and I bring 
it to your notice for the purpose of showing that some careful discrimination 
is necessary to understand when a denial of this great writ in favor of liberty, 
is or is not at variance with sound principles. 

Another objection made to the law is, that it docs not provide, or, as it is 
more commonly stated, that it abolishes the trial by jury of the issue between 
the claimant and the alleged fugitive from labor. It is urged, that this is a 
departure from the fundamental principles of our jurisprudence, which gives 
this trial of the matter of fact involved in every private suit and public prose- 
cution. 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 23 

It might be sufficient, sir, in answer to this objection, to say, that the 
right to a°trial by jury is not given by the act of 1793, and that, previous to 
the year 1840, the statute of our own State, respecting the surrender of fugi- 
tives from labor, provided for the hearing and determination of the facts, by 
affidavit or oral proof, before the State magistrate, without a jury. In tho 
year 1840, a statute was passed in this State, giving the trial by jury on the 
hearing before the State magistrate, and we might suppose that it was with 
an holiest purpose of protecting freemen against unfounded claims for their 
surrender, had not the last section provided, " that this act shall not be so 
construed as to apply to the relation of master and apprentice which may 
exist in any other State." The only valuable purpose of a trial by jury, in 
any case, gentlemen, is for the better ascertainment of the facts in dispute ; 
the facts in the case of a controversy between master and apprentice are, in 
their nature, as numerous and as difficult, at least, as between master and 
slave ; and what shall we think of the legislation which gives this form of 
trial in .the one case and denies it in the other ? What but this — that the 
anxiety to protect the liberty of freemen is insincere, and the statute was 
framed to evade the fair fulfilment of the constitutional obligation. 

The act of Congress makes no such distinction ; it gives the same law, 
and prescribes the same administration of law, for the bond and the free, for 
the slave and the apprentice. 

• In any aspect of the matter, gentlemen, I put it to your candid judg- 
ment, whether the absence of the trial by jury in the procedure under the 
new act, can be imputed as an innovation, when the act of 1793 equally 
excluded it ; or as an oppression, when the legislation of our own State, until 
the year 1840, allowed the determination of the same questions by a magis- 
trate without a jury. , 

So much is said on this point of trial by jury, sir, that it may be jworth 
our while to look a little further into the true nature of this right, sp habit- 
ually and so justly valued by our citizens. It is not a natural right ; it is a 
positive and artificial institution, the growth of English liberty, from which 
people we have inherited, and some other nations have adopted it. Gene- 
rally, perhaps universally, its privilege applies to the decision of the principal 
and substantive issue in controversy, and not to the determination of matters, 
however vital in their nature, preliminary or introductory to the main trial. 
Thus, in civil cases, property is taken or the person is arrested, in criminal 
prosecutions, the accused is seized and thrown into prison without any trial 
by jury ; and though these summary proceedings operate for the time, and 
often for a long time, as a practical adjudication of the question of property 
or of liberty, no one complains of it as an encroachment upon the right oi 
trial by jury. 

We all know and understand that these processes are necessary to bring 
and retain the subject matter of dispute, whether of a civil or criminal na- 
ture, before the appointed tribunal, to await the verdict of a jury in the due 
progress of the cause, to the end that such verdict may have some practical 
and valuable operation. Now, the whole theory upon which the act of 1793, 
the present act of Congress, and the State proceedings (until recently) in the 
matter of fugitives from labor have been framed, has been, that, under the 
constitutional provision, the claimant was entitled to process within the Si al- 
to which the fugitive had fled, to restore him to the State from which he had 
escaped, there to abide the full determination of the right between them ; 
and further, that this process was of the character preliminary or introdw:- 
tory to the substantive trial of right to which I have alluded. Thus, Judge 
Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, says, that the clause under 



24 PROCEEDINGS OP THE UNION MEETING, 

consideration "obviously contemplates summary ministerial proceedings," and 
requires " only 'prima facie proofs of ownership." 

I have said, sir, that this is the theory of the Fugitive Slave acts ; it 
seems to me to he the sound construction of the constitutional clause ; the 
very occasion for any provision in the premises was that different laws and 
different notions prevailed, on this subject of slavery, in the two sections of 
the country, and the very object of the actual provision, and the very pith 
of its language, are to subtract the determination of the right of the master 
to his slave from the laws and tribunals of the State of refuge, where the 
general doctrines of jurisprudence would place it, and by a special and ex- 
ceptional provision to retain the jurisdiction under the laws and before the 
tribunals of the State whence the fugitive fled, restoring him thither to abide 
their judgment. 

Regarding the Fugitive Slave Law and the procedure under it in this 
light, we shall find all their alleged inconsistencies with the general course of 
judicial investigations concerning the rights of persons or property, j-esolve 
themselves into this separation of the jurisdiction of trial from the jurisdiction 
of first process, a separation not peculiar to this act nor to the constitutional 
clause from which it springs. In the jurisprudence of the United States there 
are. sir, four cases in which this principle prevails, two arising under the 
constitution, and two under treaties with foreign powers ; and of these two 
divisions one case only under each implies any accusation even of crime, 
against the parties affected by it, the other is for the enforcement of merely 
civil rights. The cases under the constitution, as you will readily under- 
stand, are the delivery from one State to another of persons charged with 
crime, and this very matter of fugitives from labor ; the cases under treaties 
with foreign powers are the extradition of persons charged abroad with crime 
there committed, and the surrender of seamen deserting from foreign vessels 
in violation of a simple contract of hire. The delivery of fugitives from jus- 
tice from one State to another, and the extradition of foreign criminals are 
subjects familiar to us all ; that the claim, in either case, is made upon ex- 
2>arte proof taken out of our own State-that the arrest is summary, and that 
neither upon habeas corpus nor through a trial by jury, can the fact of guilt 
or innocence be inquired into according to our own laws or before our own 
tribunals-and that obedience to the claim is yielded, not in pursuance of 
general principles of law, (with which it is at variance,) but in fulfilment of 
special obligations thereto imposed by the constitution in the one case, and by 
the treaty in the other ; all this, I say, we know and understand, and no man 
questions the procedure as unjust and improper. The analogy which these 
cases bear to the surrender of fugitives from labor must strike every one, and 
the only objection to its completeness ever urged, is that the notion of crime 
enters into both the cases to which I have referred — an objection of little weight 
when we consider that it is not a convict, hut an accused person, whom our 
law presumes to be innocent, that we are called upon to send away for trial 
under foreign laws and before foreign tribunals. 

But, gentlemen, the surrender of deserting seamen under our treaty 
stipulations with foreign powers, must be admitted to present a perfect illus- 
tration of the true character of the procedure under the Fugitive Slave Law. 
It has for many years been the policy of our government to insert in its com- 
mercial treaties with foreign nations reciprocal engagements for the forcible 
arrest and surrender of deserters from the private and public vessels of either 
contracting party. The consuls of each nation, by these treaties, are clothed 
with authority to require the arrest, detention, and imprisonment of such 
deserters, and "to apply to the tribunals of the country where such desertion 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 25 

shall occur, to enforce this right ; upon simple claim not under oath, and the 
production of the ship's roll or other authentic document, showing that the 
persons claimed formed a part of the crew, it is provided that" the surrender 
shall not be refused," and that the public prisons of the country may be used 
for their confinement, until their actual deportation. 

For the execution of these treaty stipulations, Congress has by law pro- 
vided, that upon claim thus made and substantiated, it shall be the duty of 
any court, judge, justice, or magistrate applied to for the purpose, to issue a 
warrant to arrest the persons claimed for examination. Upon this examina- 
tion the only points of inquiry are, do the persons claimed belong to the crew 
of the vessel with deserting from which they are charged, (and of this the 
crew list or ship's roll is made sufficient evidence,) and further have they left 
the vessel without the consent of the master, and thus placed themselves 
within the terms of the treaty stipulation for their surrender. These facts once 
established upon this summary inquiry, without any trial by jury, and securely 
against the operation of the writ of habeas corpus, the deserting seamen are 
lodged in prison, forcibly restored to the power of the ship-master from whose 
service they had escaped, and carried from our shores. 

Nothing, gentlemen, could be less in accordance with the whole spirit and 
tenor of our general law than this procedure. The relation of master and 
seaman is one of contract of service for hire, and stands upon no other 
footing in the eye of the law, than that of the mechanic and his journeyman 
or the merchant and his clerk. For a breach of these contracts our laws 
allow no other remedy than of pecuniary damages pursued through the 
ordinary forms of suit, the trial by jury included. No process of arrest, no 
summary inquiry, no compulsory restoration to service is tolerated by our 
law. Why then has the act of Congress established this peculiar procedure 
in the case of foreign seamen ? Because the government has contracted 
treaty engagements with the foreign nation, of which this is the simple and 
necessary fulfilment. Why has our government bound itself by treaty to the 
establishment of this pecnliar procedure thus at variance with the spirit and 
tenor of our general law ? 

Doubtless, sir, not from any predilection for such procedure in itself, but 
for the general benefits to the contracting parties which the entire treaty 
secures, and among which in the contemplation of both parties is the 
reservation by each within its own jurisdiction of the trial and decision of all 
contracts of maritime service between masters and mariners. 

Practically, sir, this peculiar law has no inconsiderable operation in 
infringement of personal liberty among the class made subject to its provi- 
sions. Probably not far from a hundred seamen in this port alone are 
annually affected by its coercion. Yet we hear of no violent objection to, 
nor even harsh criticism upon, this law. It is obvious to every one that the 
proper point of attack, if any attack is to be made, is not upon the law, but 
upon the treaty stipulation which has made the law necessary, and that good 
faith and common honesty require a withdrawal from the entire benefits of 
the treaty if we are not disposed fairly to fulfil this particular stipulation, 
part and parcel of it. 

So, too, the Fugitive Slave Act finds its place in our statute book, not from 
any present motive of complacency in its purpose and effect in themselves 
considered, but as a necessary fulfilment of the antecedent obligation imposed 
by the constitution ; and shall not the same good faith and common honesty 
which bind us to the full observance of foreign treaties, with equal force 
compel a complete obedience to this fundamental compact by which alone 
we exist as one people ? 



26 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

The objection that the late Fugitive Slave Act is ex post facto and there- 
fore both unconstitutional and oppressive, finds little support from an 
examination of its provisions. Waving the point, that the phrase ex post 
facto is applicable only to criminal statutes as too technical, we may say of 
the act in question without fear of contradiction, that it neither makes that 
slavery which was not so before, nor subjects any man to that condition not 
so subject before, nor impairs at all the quantity or quality of proof before 
requisite to establish the existence of the relation of master and slave. 
Indeed it is worthy of notice that the 10th sec, which introduces the 
only material change in the matter of proof, applies only to cases of escape, 
subsequent to the passage of the act. It is true that the procedure of the 
new act. is intended to be more efficient towards its object than the previous 
law had been, but an objection to it as ex post facto on that ground, would 
be as reasonable as the complaint of a criminal that a law was ex post facto 
which after the commission of his crime should increase the number of the 
police, thus diminishing his chances of escape, or enlarge the judicial force 
of the tribunals having cognizance of the case, thus accelerating the approach 
of his trial. 

But it is further said that this act does not provide sufficient guaranties for 
freemen in protection of their liberty. Gentlemen, the whole body of our 
jurisprudence in reference to personal rights is not to be found in this single 
act ; it authorises the application of its procedure only to persons held to ser- 
vice or labor, and whoever shall by its process or without its process attack 
the liberty of any man, of whatever complexion, not subject to that condition, 
is liable to criminal prosecution or to civil suit as the case may be. In a 
word, every citizen is protected by law against oppression or imprisonment 
under this act, in the same manner and to the same extent as against the 
same danger in any other quarter, and he needs no more complete or more 
certain protection. 

I have thus, sir, not, I trust, without a due « sense of the responsibility 
which should attend every effort to affect public opinion, on a matter of 
serious public concern, presented the main features of this act in connection 
with the constitutional clause to which it owes its origin, and under such 
analogies with the jurisprudence of the United States as have seemed to 
me appropriate to its illustration. I have endeavored to show that it does 
not subvert nor attempt to subvert any established principles of liberty or 
of law, except in so far as the recognition of slavery may be deemed at 
variance with such priciples, and that in this respect the law is what it is 
in accordance with, and in obedience to, the constitutional obligation. Of 
the details of the bill, the plenary powers of the commissioners, the adjust- 
ment of fees and the particular forms and authentication of proof, I shall 
speak no further, than to say that I am unable to perceive that by any provi- 
sion, or from any omission, this act threatens the remotest danger to any per- 
son not truly subject to the condition of the slave or apprentice. If these 
details be in any respect unwise, injudicious or unconstitutional, and such 
defects prove of any practical importance, they can be and will be corrected. 
They do not touch the popular mind and furnish no basis for excitement or 
agitation. It is only from a popidar impression that the act is a violent and 
tyrannical prostration of the usual safeguards of liberty, and that its operation 
to that effect is above judicial and constitutional control, that any considera- 
ble resistance to its authority can be feared ; a correct understanding of its 
provisions must remove such an impression even from minds the most preju- 
diced. A little sober consideration will satisfy those who express and hon- 
estly feel a repugnance to this statute, that the real point of their dissatisfaction 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 27 

is with slavery itself, and the constitutional provision for the surrender of fu- 
gitives avIio have escaped from its hard condition. 

Of forcible resistance, sir, to the execution of this law, exhibited or threat- 
ened, but few words are needed to place it, and the promoters of it, of what- 
ever srarb or guise, in a proper light before the community. The supremacy, 
absolute and universal, of the law, is an essential notion of i-very organised 
community, and he who doubts this supremacy strikes at the foundation of 
society. It is the pride and happiness of free communities, that, their law is 
established by the expression of the public sentiment and public will through 
the authentic forms of legislation, and is construed and administered by tri- 
bunals emanating from the same original source of authority, but constituted 
permanent and independent. Such is our fortunate condition. When in 
such a community, an individual claims ibr his private conscience the right 
of veto on the public legislation, or appellate jurisdiction over the supreme 
judicial tribunals, he simply denies the rightful existence of society, and 
asserts that the complete natural independence of the individual is the only 
lawful condition of man. With such tenets society can hold no argument, 
and when they lead to overt and violent resistance to the law of the com- 
munity, the actors in such resistance become and are treated as outlaws and 
enemies of the State. The right of martyrdom under the law, and the right 
of revolution to change the sources ofthe law, are the only rights which rea- 
son, morals or religion can suggest against an iniquitous system or adminis- 
tration of law. How much ofthe devotion ofthe martyr, or the heroism of 
the patriot, the agitators of our day exhibit, you, gentlemen, cfan judge as well 
as I, and how little anything in the system or the administration of our Go- 
vernment can justify or excuse rebellion against it, let the freedom, Security 
and happiness which prevail throughout our borders bear grateful witness. 

Let us, then, be misled from the plain path of duty by no idle clamor, 
by no specious sophistry ; let us know and feel that he who strikes at a law, 
strikes at the law ; that he Who violates or avoids the obligation of one clause 
of the Constitution, is faithless to that great charter of our national govern- 
ment, and to the Union of these States, which exist by and under it, and by 
and under it alone ; above all, let. no one who loves his country — who reveres 
the memory of his lathers — who hopes for the happiness of his children — ever 
doubt or ever forget, that as we, the citizens of this great republic, acknow- 
ledge no superior, and bow to no master but the laav, so have Ave no guard- 
ian of our rights, no protector of our liberties, but the laav, and that every 
wound to its authority, as surely enfeebles its protection. 

In the actual aspect of public, affairs, sir, the duty of every good citizen 
is clear. While the enemies of public order and security, whether at the 
North or at the South, labor to irritate one portion of the nation against the 
other — to aggravate and inflame differences of feeling and opinion — to 
estrange from each other men born of one blood and of one country — be it 
our care to emulate the noble spirit of our common ancestry, Avho bound us 
together as one people, free, independent, powerful ; let the line be fairly 
drawn between the foes of public order, the laAvs and the Constitution — and 
whatever others may do, let us see to it, that in our breasts the love of coun- 
try shall reign predominant, and that neither the cold selfishness of politics 
shall quench, nor the fickle flame of fanaticism shall supplant, its sacred fire. 

After which, Mr. Edward Sandford said : — 

Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens : — At this late hour of the night 
I shall not detain you long from the pleasure of listening to the gentlemen 
who will folloAv me. 



28 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

In complying with the wishes of the Committee of Management, and 
appearing before you, I cannot withhold the expression of my profound regret, 
that, in this age of the republic, an occasion should have arisen for convening 
this vast assemblage, to do what may be in your power to avert the dangers 
impending over the Union of these States. When I was entering upon my 
manhood, the dark cloud of Nullification lowered upon the Southern States of 
this confederacy, and open resistance to the Federal Government was threat- 
ened, because Congress, as it was alleged, had passed laws which were not 
within the scope of the authority granted to it by the Constitution. The 
executive authority of that government was then wielded by a hero and 
statesman from the south, around whom every affection of my youthful heart 
became strongly entwined, and in that great crisis the immortal Jackson 
declared those emphatic Avords " The Union, it must and shall be preserved." 
At the same period a great statesman from the north, when nobly doing battle 
in the councils of his country and earning for himself the proud appellation 
of " the defender of the constitution," uttered that imperishable sentiment, 
" Liberty and Union now and for ever, one and inseparable." At that time 
the principle of devotion to the Union as it was formed by our forefathers, 
was universal in the Northern States, and lie who dared to suggest its 
dismemberment, was regarded as guilty of moral treason. 

But from whence comes the cry of nullification now ? In what quarter 
of this confederacy is the present peril which has called you from your homes 
to take counsel together, and concert action for the preservation of the 
existence of this nation ? From the north ! from our neighbors around us, 
but not from among us. And against what does rebellion now revolt ? Not 
against an act of Congress of questionabel constitutional force of operation, 
but against the great basis of this Union, the federal constitution itself! By 
the fourth article and third subdivision of the second section of that 
instrument, it was agreed between the several States and ordained by the 
people of the United States, that no person held to service or labor in one 
State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of 
any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor ; but 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor 
may be due. It is against this clause of that solemn compact that a portion 
of our fellow-citizens of the Northern States are now directing their open and 
concerted resistance, and they are practically nullifying this sacred promise 
of protection to the rights of their brethren at the south. But for this 
provision it is well known that this Union could not have been formed, and 
the domestic tranquility and the blessings of liberty which we have enjoyed 
under it, could not have been secured. And unless it be faithfully and 
inviolably observed, it is apparent that injustice will be done, and that 
sooner or later this Union will be dissolved. At the time of the formation 
of the constitution, involuntary servitude or slavery existed in the greater 
portion of the States, and it was indispensable to the security and enjoyment 
of this species of property in those States, that persons so held to service could 
not change their legal condition by passing into a state where such property 
did not exist, and which did not recognize any right to such property. The 
object of the constitution was by force of its own terms, by the paramount 
power of the great fundamental law, to continue the condition of servitude 
upon all whose lot it is to bear it, and to extend the rights of masters, so as 
to secure a prompt and effectual fulfilment of that condition in every State 
and territory of the Union, without regard to the public law or public policy 
of any State, or to the private feelings or opinions of any citizens of any 
State in respect to that relation. Its design was to prevent either the love of 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 29 

liberty or the hatred of slavery, the wildness of fanaticism or the reckless or 
mischievous love of notoriety and agitation in any and in all parts of the 
wide spread territory of the federal Union, from obstructing the rights of 
owners of slaves to secure their services in every portion of the land. The 
great charter of our Union creates this absolute and unqualified right on the 
part of the owners of persons held to service who shall escape into another 
state, and by the terms of the compact it is ecmally the duty of every citizen 
who enjoys the protection and benefit of the federal government to see that 
this portion of the supreme law of the land is fairly, firmly, and fully carried 
into effect. Under this clause of the constitution there can be no such thing 
as escape from the condition of servitude, or from the obligations arising from 
that condition, by fleeing into the territory of a free state. When there, the 
constitution declares that the fugitive " shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom his service or labor may be due." It is a popular error that 
supposes a fugitive slave may become free by escaping from the state in which 
he is held, into a free state, or by any length of residence in a free state. 
Nothing but manumission can free him from the obligation of servitude. In 
whatever portion of the Union he may be found, his master has the right, 
under the constitution, to take him back to his service, which a parent 
possesses to reclaim a runaway child. 

The milliners of this section in the constitution cannot cover their unjust 
and unlawful designs against the existence of this glorious Union as it is by 
declaiming against and denouncing the recent act passed by Congress, making 
additional provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves. So far as that act 
operates upon the rights of masters, it is restrictive of the broad and unfettered 
rights declared in the constitution itself. By force of the constitution alone, 
and without the aid of any act of Congress, or any of the machinery of the 
courts of justice, the Supreme Court of the United States have solemnly 
decided, that the owner of a slave is clothed with the authority in every State 
of the Union to seize and recapture his slave wherever he can do it without 
any breach of the peace. 

The act of congress of 1850, as well as the act of 1793, add nothing to the 
powers nor to the rights of owners of slaves, and merely prescribe evidences of 
claim and forms of proceedings, and provide the aid of the ministers of the 
law, that unfounded claims may be properly guarded against, and illegal 
violence be prevented Those of our fellow-citizens who say that fugitives 
from service shall not be restored, array themselves directly against the federal 
constitution, and deliberately trample upon that which secures the bless- 
ings of liberty to us and our posterity. They claim the protection 
of the constitution and laws for their property, and refuse to execute 
provisions in behalf of their southern brethren, because they possess 
property of a different description, Is not this factious ? Is not this 
dishonest ? How can we ask our fellow-citizens of the Southern States, to 
remain in this compact of union with us, when we refuse to execute the 
provisions inserted in the constitution for the protection of their rights ? 
How can we ask them to feel assured, that our disregard of the letter of the 
compact shall be confined to the fugitives from their service who shall escape 
or be inveigled from them, and that the agitation shall not be carried to their 
homes and their firesides 1 

But it is said by the agitators that the South will not, that the South 
cannot, that the South dare not withdraw from this Union. I have always 
apprehended that a practical destruction of this Union, or confederation of 
sovereign or independent States, was a matter much more likely to be readily 
achieved, than to be of difficult attainment. This Union is a matter of 



30 PROCEEDINGS OF the union meeting, 

compact, where the continued obligation of the one party to fulfil his engage- 
ments, rests upon the continued performance by the others of those stipula- 
tions which protect his rights. Suppose five States shall say to the other 
States, you refuse to perform your constitutional obligations to us, and we 
will no longer remain in confederacy with you. We will send no represen- 
tatives to your National Legislature, and no laws passed by that body shall 
be enforced within our limits. What is to be done ? Do you say send an 
army and navy, blockade their ports, burn their cities, and slaughter their 
inhabitants ? What kind of a Union will this be ? Is the State which has 
been driven from the Union by the refusal of other States to respect its 
guarantied rights, to be conquered by the federal arms, and held as a van- 
quished country. Are you to wage war upon your brethren because they 
will no longer submit to your wanton invasions of their chartered rights. 
No ! I trust never. If force is not to be resorted to in such a contingency, 
Avhat is then to be the condition of these States? The tie which unites them 
is broken, and each stands alone in its sovereignty. You have instructive 
examples of the calamities which may then befall us in the past history of 
the South American States. If it shall be said that new confederations may 
be formed, scarcely less powerful than our glorious Union, let me ask who 
will enter into a new constitutional compact with you, when you have re- 
fused to respect and to execute the rights created by our present charter ? 
No, fellow-citizens, let us not look at the probable consequences of a dis- 
union, nor the possibilities of a re-union, but rally in support of the solemn 
covenants of the constitution, determined to stand by the Union as it is. 

In this patriotic cause we can hold no fellowship with those of our fellow- 
citizens, who, believing in a " higher law," or in " no law," are friends of the 
Union, but of that Union in which every other citizen shall submit to their 
doctrines and sentiments. 

There is no higher law nor higher duty of man upon this earth, under 
his duty to his God, than the performance of contracts, and our present hap- 
piness is put in jeopardy, and our future prospects are clouded by the appa- 
rent determination of considerable numbers of our fellow-citizens to disregard 
the express injunctions of the constitution. I am not of the number who 
seem to think that this may be done with impunity. 

How can these dangers be averted ? First and mainly, through the bal- 
lot-box. Let no man who is not known to be firmly and resolutely opposed 
to all further agitation, who is not known to be an ardent supporter of the 
constitution and of the whole constitution as it is, be entrusted with political 
power. When lire-brands shall no longer be thrown from our legislative 
halls and executive chambers, minor agitators will soon hide their diminished 
heads. Iu politics let us know no cause but that of our country, no party 
but that of the Union. Let us support no nomination, come from whence it 
may, which does not present to us a candidate who is animated by a love 
for his whole country, and who is not ready to execute all its laws and main- 
tain its institutions in their full vigor and purity. Secondly, let us reason 
with the deluded, let us arouse their patriotism, awaken their sense of jus- 
tice, bring them out from among the unjust covenant breakers, and turn 
their efforts to the promotion of their country's peace and safety ; and lastly, 
let us put the mark of disapprobation in enduring characters upon all repro- 
bate disturbers of the public tranquility and moral traitors to the union of 
these States. 

And if all our efforts shall be doomed to fail, if the madness of phrenzy, 
and the wickedness of treachery shall he destined to pull down the pillars of 
this magnificent temple of republican freedom, I am careless and indifferent 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 31 

what fragment may crush this weak body of mine, for I would not willingly 
survive the ruin of my country. But I indulge in no such gloomy forebodings 
of the destiny of this Union. If I could have doubted the patriotic impulses 
of our fellow-citizens, for a moment, the meeting of this vast assemblage of 
the intelligence and enterprise of this city, animated as it has been by ono 
sentiment, and speaking a united voice, would have dispelled that doubt. 

I would rather take up the strain of a poet of the North, who looking 
from the portals of our Temple of Liberty down the long vista of futurity, saw 
an empire without a parallel in its advantages, with scarcely an equal in 
extent, inhabited by a people of boundless enterprise, indomitable persever- 
ance, enjoying the largest liberty compatible with safety, and sang, 

" Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise, 
The Queen of the World, arid the child of the skies." 

Mr. Sandford was throughout received with loud applause. 

Having concluded, Mr. Ogden Hoffman addressed the meeting. He 
said : — 

Mr. President and Fellow Citizens: — At this late hour of the night, wearied 
as you must be, in common with myself, I shall not trespass long upon your 
time. I came not here as Whig or Democrat ; I have not mingled much 
the past few years in strictly political meetings, and do not design to enter 
anew the exciting arena of political discussions. But when I found the Union 
in danger, — when I found the Constitution set at naught, — when I found the 
laws openly resisted — and saw our glorious Union reeling under blows from 
agitators at the North and factionists at the South, I felt it my duty to come 
forward, and stand by all lovers of our common country in this crisis of our 
danger. I come because I love my country more than party. Do not mis- 
understand me — I believe the honest men of both the great parties are at- 
tached to the Union, and intend to be faithful to the Constitution and the 
laws of the land : and speaking for that party with which I acted — with 
whose success my warmest hopes are identified and for whose triumph my 
best exertions shall be given, I believe that the great mass of the Whig 
party are, as they always have been, faithful to the Constitution, the Union, 
and the Laws. I come not here, as the advocate of slavery ; I deplore its ex- 
istence, and so does every patriotic and Christian citizen in the Southern 
States. It is, however, no"fault of theirs that it has been entailed upon them. 
I remember that the Constitution found it there ; that it recognized its ex- 
istence ; and but for such recognition — but for the spirit of compromise, which 
marked that recognition — the Constitution could never have been framed. 
By the same spirit of compromise alone can it be preserved. I hurry on from 
any of the expressions of the feelings natural to a speaker on an occasion like 
the present, to the more important considerations which press upon our notice. 
Look at what this Constitution, and the Union thereby effected, have done 
for our country. See our commerce whitening every sea, and the hand of 
industry rewarded with plenty. Standing on our own soil, we may see the 
bright sun rising over the billows of the Atlantic, and quenching its setting 
beams in the waters of the Pacific. Our land has been the home of the op- 
pressed of all nations. It is advancing with gigantic strides to greatness, an 
illustrious beacon to light the way of truth and justice over all the earth. 
Who, that witnesses our upward career, aptly typified by the flight of the 
noble bird we have chosen and adopted as our national emblem, would see 
that eagle, while soaring in his pride of place, checked in mid career and fall 
lifeless to the ground ? "Who does not remember when, at the last session of 
^ongress, disunion was muttered in our national halls, how the throngsin 

Njsy city, where prosperity had smiled upon every face, were filled with 



32 PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING. 

anxiety and alarm ? At that crisis, high above the voice of faction and the 
clamors of party, was heard the glorious voice of Henry Clay — [at this word 
the enthusiasm of the audience could not be restrained, and the cheering 
broke out again and again] — that voice, I say, eloquent with the cheering 
words of patriotism, of counsel, and of hope. It seemed as if the occasion had 
given new vigor to his wasted frame ; and casting aside alike the chains of 
sectional feeling and the weight of years, he advocated the claims of our com- 
mon brotherhood with all the fervor and talent of his younger days. And 
there was another, — he of the mighty mind, who came forth from tribulation 
and trial at home, and threw the weight of his mighty character in favor of 
the Union. I refer to Daniel Webster. [Here the applause was again re- 
newed, and continued.] He had before been known as the " Defender of the 
Constitution," but he has now added to this the title of " Champion of the 
Union." From every part of the Union there were found true patriots, who, 
casting aside party trammels, and party dictation, stood up manfully with 
these, and fought and conquered with them. I need not name those to whom 
I refer. The honest of all parties will long bear them in their hearts. But 
there is one, a stranger to you and to me, against whom I candidly confess, I 
at one time entertained some prejudices, and to whom I am therefore the 
more desirous to render justice. He, too, like Daniel Webster, came forth 
from trial and tribulation at home, (for the ultraism in the valley of the Mis- 
sissippi is as dangerous as the abolitionism of the north,) and like him, perilled 
everything as a public man, even to his place as Senator, in defence of mea- 
sures essential to the support of the Union ; he is, therefore, particularly en- 
titled to the homage and gratitude of his countrymen. I refer to Gen. Foote, 
of Mississippi. [His name was greeted with prolonged cheers, and the 
speaker then suggested that the audience should reserve their applause until 
the conclusion of his speech, in order to save time.] But I need not particu- 
larize each of this noble band ; from the North and the South, from the East 
and the West, they stood up together, shoulder to shoulder, and fought man- 
fully for the common safety ; they fought and conquered, and peace once- 
more spread her white wings over the land. But scarcely had civil dissen- 
sion — that viprous worm which knaws out the bowels of the State — been 
" scotched," when the voice of disunion again broke forth, to condemn the 
peace measures thus designed to restore concord and harmony. At the South, 
the bill for the admission of California was attacked, and its authors villificd, 
while at the north, the abolitionists, forgetting the gallant sister thus added 
to our confederacy, complained that every thing had been conceded, and se- 
lected the fugitive slave law, as the especial object of their attack, branding 
all who voted for it, with the most violent epithets fanaticism could suggest. 
What is the purport of that law ? It is the same in principle as the law of 
'93, passed by the fathers of the Revolution, and signed by the illustrious 
Washington. Do they say that this law does away with the trial by jury in 
the State to which the slave has fled ? So did the law of '93. Is a slave 
liable under this law upon ex parte statement to be taken back to bondage ? 
So he was, under the enactment signed by Washington, and in both enact- 
ments is the habeas corpus j^'eserved. Bnt the law which provides for the 
return of fugitives from justice is no less stringent. Suppose a citizen of 
Georgia should come here, and, after committing a crime, flee to his Southern 
home. He is liable by this law to be torn from his wife and children, on ex 
parte testimony, and to be dragged here for trial. But where are now the 
tears of the tender hearted over the stringency of this law ? But there are 
extradition treaties with foreign nations, by which we bind ourselves to return 
fugitives from justice who shall flee to us from their shores. 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



33 



A fugitive from abroad who has made this country a refuge and a home 
is liable to be seized by process based upon ex parte statement, is denied the 
right of trial by jury, and is taken back to be tried, perhaps by a code of 
laws more bloody and oppressive than any to which our countrymen would 
submit. Are there any tears shed over his fate ? Any vigilant committees 
appointed to protect him from the pursuer ? No ! all the sympathy of 
these agitators is reserved for the poor slave. This professed sympathy for 
the poor black man's wrongs, does not extend to any practical efforts to buy 
the poor fugitive's freedom ; it will give nothing to the Colonization Society 
to purchase him equal rights in Africa ; it is merely a weapon in the hands 
of agitators, nor can they care, if, in using it they sunder the cords which 
should unite all classes of our people in a common destiny. But these bands 
may not be lightly sundered. Our independence was achieved by southern 
as well as northern blood. The graves at Yorktown, as well as Saratoga, 
nourished the seeds of freedom, and out of the common labor of all sections, 
grew that Union which must and shall be preserved. Suppose the law is 
as bad as they assert it to be, good faith requires us to execute it. Who ever 
heard of a compromise, in which both parties did not complain, that each 
had obtained too little and conceded too much ? When we are playing for 
the great stake of the Union, shall we stop to split straws ? When a law, 
sanctioned by the constitution, has been passed by Congress, can they be good 
citizens who systematically and violently oppose it ? No ! and I warn my 
countrymen at the North how they broach this doctrine of disobedience to 
lawful authority, lest the South one day return the bitter chalice to our own 
lips. Look at the consequences of disunion ! Our country broken up : the 
hand of labor and useful industry everywhere paralyzed — and ruin and deso- 
lation everywhere supreme ! But some will say, "Let them go, the North is 
the strongest !" Others say, " Coerce them !" Coerce whom? our brethren ? 
Are we certain that the victory would be ours ? But if it would — oh, dear to 
our country — afflicting to humanity everywhere — blighting to the hopes of Free- 
dom — would be a victory won upon a field red with the blood of our prostrate 
brethren. One of the noblest of these, from our own State, has said, in reference 
to the Union — " I would not only place before it the shield of honest Ajax — I 
would surround it with walls of brass — and when these were too weak to guard 
it, I would summon the patriotism of the land, and circle it with living human 
hearts !" If the period of our national existence is to come, let it be when 
all sections, the North and the South, the East and the West are banded 
together as in the days of our revolution, against a despotic foe, and let us 
perish, if perish we must, in defence of our firesides, our altars, and our 
Union, and lie down together in the red grave our swords have opened for 
us in the ranks of our enemies. Let us resolve by all our strongest ties to the 
land of our homes — by all our memories of the past — by all our hopes for the 
future, that our Union shall not be dissolved by the rude hands which are 
now assailing it. Or if our ship of State, freighted as she is with the hopes 
of mankind, must founder, let her go down at the close of some well-fought 
battle, with a foreign foe. But do not let her sink ingloriously in a smooth 
and placid sea, sacrificed and scuttled by the treachery and piracy of her 
own crew. Rather than she should perish so, I would nail to the mast her 

"Holy flag 
Set every thread-bare sail, 
And give her to the God of Storms, 
The lightning and the gale." 



34 ' PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

James T. Brady then rose, he said : — 

I know from some experience in addressing public meetings that you must 
be too much fatigued to desire any extended remarks at this late hour, and per- 
haps I would most consult your convenience if not your wishes by not detaining 
you longer. Indeed, this would be my most judicious course, considering how 
ably you have been addressed by the eloquent gentlemen who have preceded 
me. They are skilful reapers in the field of oratory, and leave but little for 
the gleaner by whom they are followed. Yet as you encourage me to pro- 
ceed, and exhibit an enthusiasm which nothing seems to diminish, I will say 
a few words in advocacy of the noble purpose for which the thousands of our 
fellow citizens are gathered here to-night. 

I rejoice that my native city has once more vindicated its righteous claim 
to the character for patriotic conservatism which it has so steadily maintained. 
In other parts of our State it has long been the fashion to underrate our intel- 
ligence, disparage our principles, and assail our character, but we have never 
sanctioned an organized opposition to the laws — we have never truckled to 
abolitionism, or anti-rentism — we have refused countenance or support, we 
have extended hatred and opposition to the fanatic, the demagogue, and the 
traitor. I assert, and the truth of what I say is known to you all, that here 
in our often reviled city, we have never sustained any principle which became 
embodied in the creed of either of the great political parties in the State, which 
had not its origin in a sincere desire to ascertain, and support what was true 
and just. There is a certain region in the State which has sometimes been 
called the " infected district." To us the politicians may now apply that 
designation. Our city is indeed infected, but it is with a feeling of patriotism 
that pervades the whole body politic — a feeling which rises far above the 
reach of party, and yearns and struggles for the happiness and the glory of 
our Union. That feeling has been exhibited here to-night, and the tidings 
of our deeds will go forth to-morrow to gratify every true lover of his country 
throughout the length and breadth of our land. 

We have met to advocate the Union and the Constitution. We have 
met as the friends of those free principles which lie at the foundation of our 
government. We believe that those principles are incorporated in the Con- 
stitution. You have heard much praise bestowed upon the illustrious men 
by whom that Constitution has recently been so ably defended and main- 
tained. But let us never forget, that the happy form of government which it 
was intended to secure, is not the result of any individual greatness or indi- 
vidual effort. It is the product of that struggle which has existed for ages 
between the many and the few. The great truths recited in our Declaration 
of Independence did not originate with the patriots who promulgated that 
imperishable charter of liberty. For those truths, many a patriot combatted 
who has no name in history, and who never shared the fruits of the great 
contest in which he engaged. For them, men have sacrificed their lives who 
died unhonored and unappreciated — their names consigned to infamy, and 
their " corses given to dogs." It is meet and just, therefore, that, while we 
honor the leaders as they deserve, we remember also the hosts who, having 
themselves given the first impulse to the cause of human right, followed with 
fidelity and zeal those who guided them toward the great object of their hope. 

It is our custom to speak daily of our Constitution. There are many who 
mention it as if it were some mighty bond of Union which no human power 
could sever. Look at it closely, and you will perceive that it is only a solemn 
covenant between sovereign States, by which each of them, in consideration 
of its separate rights being fully maintained by a general government, dele- 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



35 



gates to that government certain powers for the good of the whole confed- 
eracy. The Constitution of the United States is one of the best results of 
human wisdom. It is the fruit of the philanthropist's efforts for true freedom, 
through the darkness and oppression of ages. It has withstood the assaults of 
time and of treason. It is the only tie by which our States can be kept 
together. It is the means by which our country has attained its present 
gigantic growth, and startled the world by its unparalleled progress. Yet, 
now, even in the zenith of our prosperity, we see that sacred charter invaded. 
We see it assailed by men who, while they aim death-blows at our national 
existence, assert that it is folly and delusion to speak of dissolving the Union. 
I say that the Union of these States is but an agreement, the terms of which 
are written in the Constitution, and to the observance of that agreement, in 
letter and in spirit, every member of this confederacy is bound in honor as 
well as in justice. If we fulfill the obligations of the compact, we are in no 
danger — if we violate them, we deserve no safety. I see this charter assailed 
by the fanatic, and I look on with regret. I behold the assaults made upon 
it by the traitor, and I am indignant. I pity the insanity of the wretch who, 
blinded by a false creed, applies his torch to the glorious fabric wrought from 
the thoughts and labors of men in all ages, who loved and would exalt their 
fellows ; but when I see behind this insane fool men urging him to the work 
of demolition, who know that his fell deed must endanger the best hopes of 
humanity, I feel that no hatred, no scorn, no punishment, is too deep or damn- 
ing for such sacrilegious dastards. I have two men of this stamp within my 
mental vision. In contemplating them and their actions, I am compelled to 
acknowledge that gross injustice has been done to the name and deserts of 
Benedict Arnold. He long possessed the reputation of being the greatest and 
worst amongst traitors. But his claim in this respect must yield to those of 
two prominent men in this State. Their names are already on your lips. 
Each of the great political parties in our country has furnished one. I refer 
to Martin Van Buren and William H. Seward. I know their history and 
their acts. I know that you would order that the name of traitor should be 
branded on their brows in characters so permanent as to be indelible, except 
at the touch of the Creator on the judgment day. 

These men have sought the support of the two classes who are now en- 
dangering our Union. I refer to the fanatics, and the demagogues. Alas ! 
for the former, they are the dupes of those who use them merely as the blind 
instruments of nefarious ambition. Our country is afflicted beyond all na- 
tions of the earth with a set of men who believe nothing perfect but them- 
selves, and are satisfied with no theory but such as they originate. Like the 
aerolites which are projected from beyond the gravitation of another planet 
and hurled within ours, they do not seem adapted for the globe we inhabit. 
Either they are too good for this world, or this world is not good enough for 
them. They are sorely offended because they were not consulted in the 
arrangement of the solar system. They have a marvellous benevolence. 
Its peculiarity consists in its far-sightedness. They can see the misery which 
is distant, but not that which is near. They pity the sufferings of the New 
Zealander, and supply moral pocket handkerchiefs for the native of the Sand- 
wich Islands, but cannot perceive the agony of the ragged mother whom 
they behold with a shivering infant in her arms, making her way through the 
snow seeking alms from the wayfarer, with labor almost as difficult as that 
of the diver who hunts for pearls in the chill depths of the ocean. They are 
addicted to any color, and any reform except that of the race to which they 
belong. They are subject to the censure involved in lines which I beg leave 
to repeat : 



og PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 

" I thank my God, the sun and moon 
Are both hung up so high, 
That no presumptuous hand can stretch, 
And pluck them from the sky. 
If 'twere not so, I have no doubt 
But some reforming ass, 
Would recommend to take them down 
And light the world with gas." 

You know well these inspired and matchless philanthropists. Nothing 
sublunary meets their approval unless they claim its paternity. They de- 
nounce the Bible, assail Christianity, and trample upon the laws of man. In 
their fell work they have the assistance of wretches, who to gratify their own 
vanity — yes, for the petty triumph of an hour, would sacrilice the cause of 
constitutional freedom for ever. 

These two classes — the fanatic and the demagogue — are now rivals in the 
bad effort to defeat a law of Congress. I mean the Fugitive Slave Law. And 
what is that ? You have heard it well explained by my able friend, Mr. Evarts. 
It is a constitutional method which the general government has prescribed, by 
which an American citizen, in any State of the Union, may recover his pro- 
perty. This law is obstructed in its execution by numbers of men at the 
North and East. It is so obstructed by the same men who scout at the idea 
that anything can disturb our Union. Let us pause, reflect, and compare. 
We all remember the time when South Carolina was unwilling that an 
offensive law should be executed within her territory. I do not stop to con- 
sider any of the political questions growing out of that occurrence. At that 
time she had a son and a representative whose name this country can never 
forget — John C. Calhoun. My own political friends know well how much I 
honored that great and pure statesmen while he lived. You are prepared to 
hear me declare, that I love and revere his memory. When that State thus 
assumed a position deemed so unwarrantable, the whole power of the general 
government was at once directed against her ; the lead in this movement 
beino- taken by one whose course was promptly to decide and efficiently to act. 
That was called Nullification. What, I would ask, is the course now pur- 
sued by too many in reference to the Fugitive Slave Law ? A nullification 
infinitely worse, because, as Mr. Sandford has told you to-night, it aims, not 
at a mere act of Congress, but at our great national charter. Some of you 
may suggest, that the opposition to this law is only individual action. I fully 
admit that the general government is not responsible for the acts of citizens ; 
but this I do say, that our Constitution and Union are a mockery, and our 
professions here a silly delusion, if we do not feel ourselves required to demand, 
that, in the efficient and thorough execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, the 
entire power of the federal government be so exercised, that no effort of an 
individual or a mob shall possibly prevail against it. Unless this be done, 
our pretended Union is not worthy a moment's regard. It is not an affair 
merely of parchment. It has taken root, and it must grow and strengthen in 
the affections of our entire people. If any member of the confederacy be 
sustained in the slightest violation of our national compact, then I have no 
hesitation in declaring, that the sovereign State whose rights are permitted to 
be disregarded has a perfect right to secede. There is nothing in our cove- 
nant which can morally bind any State to remain in the Union if its con- 
stitutional rights be not preserved in their full and unqualified vigor, by the 
utmost power and resources of the general government. 

I know that there are in this State miserable politicians of both parties, 
who are afraid to consider, and unwilling to acknowledge, the plain truths 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



37 



which I have uttered ; but I for one, as a member of the Democratic party, 
utterly and forever disclaim connection with any man or set of men, who, 
from any motive or for any purpose, seek or wish to have abated, in the slight- 
est degree, the most rigorous and exact observance of our national compact, 
in each and all of its provisions. 

I hate the abolition party. This is not because I have any hatred of the 
colored race. I would be amongst the first to protect, and elevate them, if 
my disposition to do so were not restrained by duties much superior to the 
gratification of any vain or capricious fancy. I am for preserving our Union, 
not as a bargain merely, but as a great brotherhood, of men who seek to promote 
the happiness and glory of mankind. We know that Ave scarcely possess a na- 
tional character. The diversity of climate, soil, and institutions in our vast 
territory has separated many of our States, as if an ocean rolled between them. 
The founders of the constitution, aware of this fact, completed that stupendous 
work on the basis of compromise. They saw, as we do now, that between 
the South Carolina planter, and the Massachusetts farmer, there was a 
difference of individuality, almost as great as that which distinguishes the 
Irishman from the Scot. This difference has naturally created sectional 
antipathies which the true patriot has from the formation of our government 
been trying to eradicate, so that the American feeling, like the American 
name, should be diffused over our wide-spread territory. The fanatic, and 
the demagogue are endeavouring to widen the breach, to increase the 
repulsiveness amongst those, who, exulting in a common baptism derived 
from a common country, should permit no geographical boundaries to make 
them feel or act otherwise, than as brothers. The enemies of our 
Union base all their wicked efforts on an affected love for the blacks. They 
are doing what is well calculated to excite a war of races, by which one of 
them would surely be exterminated. 

If that struggle should ever occur, I know that I speak your senti- 
ments, in declaring, that whatever may befall, we will stand by our own 
race, and aid it in the fulfillment of the glorious mission for which it was 
unquestionably designed. 

I will detain you no longer. I have strong hopes that our Union will 
survive the assaults and injuries it now encounters. I found those hopes on 
occasions like this, when men, without distinction of party, assemble to raise 
their voices in favor of maintaining the Union at any hazard and at every 
sacrifice. To do this, it is only requisite that the North and the South, the 
East and the West, should do justice to each other. We have but to keep 
our promises and observe our national contract. This meeting well indicates 
that our city has resolved upon discharging all its duties to the whole country. 
I am delighted, indeed, that such a meeting has been called — delighted that 
it has been so numerous and enthusiastic. To all traitors, it is the hand- 
writing on the wall. To all patriots, the glorious bow of political promise. 

Mr. Brady, amid the most enthusiastic cheering, concluded by offering 
the following resolution : 

Resolved, That a committee of fifty citizens, whose names are hereunto 
annexed, be appointed, with power to fill vacancies and add to their numbers, 
to be called the 

UNION SAFETY COMMITTEE, 

charged with the duty, by correspondence and otherwise, of carrying out the 
objects of this meeting, which are hereby declared to be — To revive and foster 
among the whole people of the United States, the spirit in which the Union 



38 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



was formed and the Constitution was adopted ; and to resist " every attempt 
to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeehle the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts." 



Robert Smith, 
James Brooks, 
Isaac Townsend, 
Charles E. Butler, 
John J. Cisco, 
Nicholas Dean, 
0. D. F. Grant, 
Dennis Perkins, 
Ralph Clark, 
Robert C. Wetmore, 
S. T. Nicholl, 
J. A. Westervelt, 
Samuel L. Mitchell, 
J. Phillips Phcenix, 
George B. Butler, 
Geo. D. Gillespie, 
David W. Catlin, 
Wm. T. Ross, 
Albert J. Anderson 
Wm. M. Richards, 
Wm. H. Webb, 
G. Griswold, Jr. 
Edwin Hoyt, 
Saml. H. Foster, 
James Bryce, 
Ephm. Holbrook, 
James B. Murray, 

E. ClIESEBROUGH, 

Wm. Gale, 
Wm. S. Miller, 
J. L. Hale, 
Saml. G. Goodrich, 
Reuben Withers, 



George Wood, 
Moses Taylor, 
Hiram Ketchum, 
Schuyler Livingston, 
Charles G. Carleton, 
Gideon Ostrander, 
Joshua J. Henry, 
Joseph Kernochan, 
Francis S. Lathrop, 
Charles O'Conor, 
Marshall 0. Roberts, 
Henry Grinnell, 
James E. Thayer, 
Jacob Aims, 
Lucien B. Chase, 
Jno. D. Van Beuren, 
James W. Gerard, 
James Munroe, 
Andrew Mount, 
Thos. W. Phelps, 
Sidney Brooks, 
Wm. S. Wetmore, 
f. cottonet, 
Alfred Large, 

R. B. MlLLIKEN, 

T. E. Davis, 

Stephen Whitney, 
Richard K. Haight, 
G. A. Conover, 
G. D. Babcock, 
Israel Corse, 
James Fellows, 
Henry Ludlam, 
Saml. Cornell, 

This resolution was unanimously passed, and on motion the meeting then 
adjourned. 



Edward Sandford, 
Francis Griffin, 
Charles B. Spicer, 
B. M. Whitlock, 
E. K. Collins, 
A. M. Cozzens, 
Wm. M. Lambert, 
John M. Bradhurst, 
Ogden Hoffman, 
George Douglass, 
Wm. Stevens, 
Richard Burlew, 
G. W. Hempstone, 
Samuel E. Sproull, 
James T. Brady, 
Alfred G. Benson, 
John McKeon, 
Wm. A. Banister, 
Nicholas Ludlam, 
Chas. M. Connolly, 
Stewart Brown, 
John C. Green, 
Joseph Lawrence, 
Saml. D. Babcock, 
Gerard Hallock, 
Wm. B. Astor, 
Henry R. Dunham, 
Edward Curtis, 
E. B. Heyer, 
John R. Walter, 
John Cleveland, 
Nelson Robinson, 
Thomas Tenner. 



SIGNATURES 

ATTACHED TO THE CALL FOR THE 

UNION MEETING 

OF THE 

CITIZENS OF NEW-YORK. 



The undersigned unite in this call for a public meeting of their fellow- 
citizens, without distinction of party, who approve of the peace measures of 
the last session of Congress — who are disposed to sustain the constitution and 
laws of their country, and to maintain the Union, and for such action as is best 
calculated to arrest the further progress of political agitation in this section of 
the country. 



Hicks & Co 

Alsop k Chauncey 

Wm Whitlock k Co 

Wm IT Aspinwall 

Moses Taylor 

P Chouteau, jr., k Co 

N T Hubbard & Co 

C and L Denuison k Co 

A B & D Sands 

Saml L Mitchell 

Ball, Tomkins k Black 

John Adams 

Wm I Lane 

Townsends k Millikin 

Henrys, Smith k Toun- 

send 
F S & D Lathrop k Co 
Wright, Betts & Co 
Nathaniel Ward 
Perkins, Warren & Co 
McCurdy, Aldrich k 

Spencer 
Rankin, Duryee k Co 
McGrath k Thorn 
Carle ton & Co 
R C Whetmore & Co 
Fearing & Hall 
Rodgers, Catlin, Leavitt 

k Co 
Harrall, Sproulls k Co 
Petit, Bannister k Harris 
Ross k Leitch 
Jno Jewett k Sons 
Benj De Forrest k Co 
Slate, Gardiner & Co 
Scott k Bell 
Gerard k Betts 
Jas Harriott 
G A Conover 
Jno H Carrell 
Amos Woodruff 
Robert Smith 
Wm Tucker 
Egbert Howland 
Peter Bogart 
Jas Wotherspoon 
John Campbell 
Joseph Rogers 
Dudley B Fuller 
Smith Dunning 
Francis Hall k Co 
C A Leonard 
Beals, Bush & Co' 
R & D M Stebbins 
Wm C Langlcy & Co 
Foster k Livingston 
Bramhall, Abernethy k 

Collins 
Clark k Work 



Cushman & Co 

Davis, Brooks k Co 

John Cryder 

Thomas Crocker 

B K Collins 

Stewart Greer k Co 

Wood k Grant 

R Buloid k Co 

Abbott, Dodge & Co 

Laurence, Ciapp & Co 

Wm H Franklin 

F Cottenet & Co 

Cooper & Giraud 

Dunham k Dimon 

E D Hurlbut k Co 

Wm H Brown 

John Lindlaw 

John Lloyd 

R K Haight 

D B Fearing 

C M Parker 

James Donaldson 

D S Kennedy 

Henry Bergh 

Thos Eggleston 

Wm H Jones 

G B Lamut 

E B Sutton & Co 

Earl & Dean 

Jones & Johnson 

S S Howland 

J L Aspinwall 

R L k A Stuart 

Chas P Leverich 

Minturn k Co 

B Aymar 

Schuyler Livingston 

Jacob k Wcstervelt 

John Collins 

Wm C Todd & Co 

Houghton k Arnold 

A R Raymond 

TeuEyck, SutphenSo Co 

John W Dodge 

Wm R Dean 

Brown, Bros k Co 

Center k Co 

Aymar & Co 

Wm T Ross 

S Jaudon & Co 

Mason & Thompson 

Halsey. Utter k Co 

Edward Fenner 

Hugh A Toler 

H J Seaman 

G B Lamar 

Charles E Connelly 

Jonathan Thompson 

Wm Edgar Howland 



S T Nicoll k Co 

Baldwin, Starr & Co 

Patten, Lane k Co 

Edward P Heyer & Co 

John E Earle 

Oliver, Jones k Granger 

Frederick Wilkinson 

B A McDonald 

Thos E Bishop & Co 

Peter Hughes 

R S Ackman 

J M Shaw 

Noal B Stokely 

F S Wiberskay 

W M Wilson 

W R Stokely 

Samuel Crawford 

A W Johnson 

H Joy 

J H Campbell 

J A Tilford 

W B Spaulding, 

P Cavanagh 

W H Fox 

C Neefna 

S Jar vis Ferris 

E R Ives 

L W Holmes 

J W Thome 

W Wade 

William Davis 

Geo W Blanchard 

Jacob Travers 

David Beek 

Charles Mailler 

Chas S Oakley 

J Senfield 

James A Smith 

E L Barrett 

Henry Hanfield 

Robert Wiltse 

Isaac Wm Smith 

Chas H Thompson 

P Heard Kingsland 

Henry Miera 

John Teatzen 

Cozell Jercha 

John Wilkinson 

Clans Wicntjenn 

PFink 

Hams Kngell 

Thunis Haulenback 

James Kngles 

Joseph Cooper 

Henrv Plump 

David H McCoy 

Garret Van Nostrand 

Frederick Holsten 

John Brown 



David Orson 
Jamas Smith 

John Plump 

J Gervos 

G H Haulenbeck 

J B Schmith 

W B Meckon 

T H Gray 

S Galaveare 

D Ilaylor 

Daniel S Marvin 

Hughes, Ward k Co 

Nevius k Co 

R W Newton 

Thos McCrine k Co 

Thompson, Quick & Mc- 
intosh 

Thompson k Co 

B M Whitlock k Co 

Brown k De Rossett 

O & A Wetmore k Co 

Wolfe k Gillespie 

Wolfe. Bishop & Co 

H M Boyce k Co 

Chas B Butler 

J W Gerard 

Nicholas Dean 

Wilmerdings k Mount 

Geo .1 Taylor & Co 

Jno H 13 rower & Co 

G G Howland 

Johnson k Lowden 

Peter J Nevins 

H K Coming 

Richard P Buck 

Nesmith & Sons 

Howes k Co 

S W Lewis 

Chas II Marshall k Co 

Taylor and Merrill 

Wm H Webb 

Austins & Sp)QB* 

Marshall Roberts 

John J Rarttfns 

Watt 8c Sherman 

Coffin, Bradley fc Co 

George liml k Co 

Lord & Snellirfg 

Grant k Barton 

Allen, Hazen k Co 

Greenway. liro & Co 

Zebedee Cook 

Cheesebrough, Steams & 
Co 

Jas S Aspinwall 

Basse tt k A born 

John E Karle 

Calvin W How k Co 

Jonas Conkling k Co 



40 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



Doremus & Nixon 
W Smith Brown 
Geo W &. Jehial Read 
L & V Kirby 
Richards & Cronkhite 
Lewis B Brown 
Myers, Suydam & Co 
Persse & Brooks 
Furman, Davis & Con- 
nor 
Waldron & Ilsley 
Floyd Smith 
Atwater, Mulford & Co 
Chas M Connelly 
Havermeyer & Mollers 
Richard Irwin 
Amory Edwards 
WW De Forrest & Co 
William B Astor 
Jacob Lie Roy 
Sturges, Clearman & Co 
Hotchkiss, Fenner & Co 
W H Weed & Co 
J & J Cox 

Dubois & Vandervocrt 
Stephen Burkhalter 
Suydam, Reed & Co 
B Baker 

Baldwin,Dibblee & Work 
Gibert, Cobb & Johnson 
John L Buckley & Co 
Downs & Giteau 
Buckingham, Ward & Co 
Wood, Vose & Co 
Sherman & Collins 
Kent, Poag & Co 
Ingoldsby, Boisseau & 

H aisled 
Swift & Hurlbut 
Cromwell, Haight & Co 
Wilson G Hunt & Co 
John Caswell & Co 
C W & J T Moore & Co 
Hy W Barstow 
Trowbridge, Dwight & 

Co 
Compton & Turner 
Marsh & Frear 
Hudson & Robertson 
Wm H Franklin 
Osgood & Jennings 
E J Anderson 
John L Graham 
Jas H Van Allen 
J B Varnum 
Hiram Ketchum 
Daniel Jackson 

Thomas Harrison 

Lee Mortimer Thome 

Edward B Thorpe 

F Wilson 

Strulhers & Vail 

Bruner, Jr 

N Carpenter 

Saml Brush 

W L Southwick 

C H Field 

John Calvin Smith 

C H Ring 

R C Valentine 

Geo W Stevens 

W C Buniston 

Floyd Smith 

C H Childs 

H Robertson 

II Demeraest 

J A Blackledge 

J A Ryerson 

C M Campbell 

Henry Albshon 

W H Fox 

Horace W Graves 

F M Smith 

Jas Martin 

Hector Sinclair 

T Godwin 



Carson & Hard 

Bradley R Hard 

Poillon & Colgate 

Hy Kinden 

Edwd Godfrey &. Son 

Leggett & Bros 

Steele & Co 

Jno Klenke 

Jos Bradley 

Gustavus Phieffer 

Danl McCabe 

Geo Colby 

Wm M Tweed 

Jas McKench 

C M Singleton 

H B Perkins 

Jno H Aldrich 

Betts, Selleck & Betts 

Peterson & Humphrey 

Stewart, Bussing & Son 

Z Gordon 

Coleman & Stetson 

Lewis Atterbury Jr & Co 

John F White 

E M Calie 

W H Meins 

David Lennox 

Wm H Rockwood 

G Lutier 

J D Bullwer 

B M Hershell 

Geo S Marshall 

Wm Raymond 

Chas H Noyes 

F S Hasbrouck 

H A Nichols 

A M Rorok 

Robert E Jones 

Robert S Underhill 

Wm H Plummer 

Gorden Michael 

Daniel Estes 

E E Rothoven 

Thomas Lawrence 

J B Boyd 

Abner F Chadwich 

G F Mott 

John Wight 

N S Husted 

R J Roberts 

E Buckman 

H P Haven 

John Buckmaster 

Hannah & Laing 

Wm Halsey & Co 

Robert B Clark 

John A Barlow 

Anson J Foster 

Daniel Mock 

Julius Hagins 

John Moon 

Alfred H Satterlee 

Jas B Merritt 

N G Kellogg 

S B Hayward 

W R Gilbert 

Richardson, Watson & Co 

Spies, Christ & Co 

Hutchinson & Tiffany 

E B Place 

Jas K Place 

Geo W Todd 

Wm A Francis 

Geo Eder 

M M Decker 

Thos Colesman 

A V Browne 

J E Brown 

Nelson, Wells & Co 

P C A Matthew 

Hiram Waring 

Geo G Miller & Co 

Edwin Wygant 

M C Morgan & Co 

Corn Stewart 

Benj Greenwood 



Wm H Dederick 

James Matther 

Dan'l C Greene 

L N Fuller 

H D Powers 

Rufus Park 

Clark & Beatty 

C M Hawkins 

Dan'l M Bertholf 

S Taylor 

Alfred Wright 

P S Schutt 

M A Hoppock 

B J Hilton 

Jas Langpheu 

J H Cain 

Geo Ward 

J & N Smith 

J R Mair 

B M Haywood 

J S Hiscox 

S H Cornell 

C Adams & Co 

S C Brush 

D W C Carpenter 

J T Carpenter 

R Burkhalter 

Sam'l P Everts 

C Van Dive 

Rob't Marston 

L A Caraner 

Wm F Piatt & Brother 

John Stants 

E J Gibson 

RRRoe 

A L Dennison & Co 

P C Send 

E Pattison 

Wilson J Hunt 

Robert Charles, jr 

James C Hard 

Michael Mullen 

H D & E Ward 

Curtis & Lumley 
W M Lathrop 
Hiram Veltman 

Baker, Griffin & Co 
R & G Wilson 

H Moses & Co 
J H Mc Williams 
W D Gregin 

D W Graves 

John A Clussman 

J Campbell 

Thomas H Hamblin 

Johnson & Tredwell 

C L Minor 

Thos Andrews 

W S Whitney 

Wm Corrie 

C E Baker 

R Munsell 

W B Askew 

J A Munsell 

Abendroth Bros 

R L Shaw 

Thos Barrows 

David M Gogon 

Wm Ludlam 

Peter Neepus 

Wm H Mitchell 

Thomas Barclay 

Amos Smith 

Peter F Ranpau 

John Vanderbilt 

Alfred Dorlon 

D H Gould 

A Whitlock 

E Benedict 

Lewis Gibson 

John H Earle 

Wm McCormick 

Mattison & Ely 

A C Collins 

G K Hyde 

Albert G Weed 



Alexander Forman 

Douglas Leflingwell 

Ira Libby 

A L Thorn 

Walter Scribner 

John Sullivan 

II J Seaman 

W H Champion 

R C Kimball 

L A Mullen 

H W Duryee 

Jno C Magee 

Aaron Field 

Geo M Mann 

E J B Thomas 

Wm H Post 

John H Jones 

Joseph Sohler 

E H Bleecker 

Sam Shaw 

James Campbell 

Julius 

Earle & Dean 

J C Beale 

E B Sutton & Co 

L Lefferts 

L Pincoffs 

B Rothmater 

W E Seymour 

Wm Florence 

James F Wenman 

D L F Appleby 

Alexander Patterson 

Jones & Johnson 

Edward P Moore 

Henry J Scudder 

M P O'Hern & Co 

W J G Thomas 

Frederick N Fleming 

Joseph Fowler 

S V Appleby 
James H Dill 

Deny & Casey 

Geo D Cassio 

E R Roberts 

Kennith & Laverty 

Duncan & Burdetl 

C A Ten Eyck 

Saml Candler 

Alexr J Cartwright 

Joseph Pinkham 

John B Many 

J W Watkins 

James Robinson 

Alex R Brandon 

David Moses 

Wm Agate, jr 

Scott & Bell 

Peter Donnelly 

Thos L Braynard 

F Rorring 

H M Dayton 

George Morrison 

Edward J O'Connor 

G Frederick Davy 

John Croft 

John S Pierre 

N Gilmore 

John Cox 

F H Babcock 

Girard & Betts 

John Boyd, jr 

James Newham 

F A Blossom 

Walter Greenough & Co 

Bulkley & Lockwood 

Amos 6 Wells 

Henry Butler 

Billings Hayward 

James L Gray 

J H Rhynet 

W P Wilson 

James Farrell 

Wm Farrell 

H J Rogers 

F Willis Fisher, M. D. 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



41 



Jno Vanderbilt 

Thos F Pinner 

B Harding 

H Johnson 

R Haskell 

W H Daily 

N L Frost 

W R Swift 

J D Varney 

Wm Butts 

James M Welch 

E P Peters 

John Ainslie 

Chas E Kendriok 

D E Pond 

A Pelletier 

B T Clark 

Zebuler Whippoll 

W H Fuller 

Osgood Bradbury 

J Lorimer Graham, jr 

D A Parker 

E Femell Jones 

W W Lee 

John D Maxley 

J A Buckwean 

L E Black 

C C Fitch 

Jno Driscoll 

WLHall 

AW Hollister 

Kitchen, Montrose & 

Wilcox 
Chas F Pickengill 
James Coleman 
Robt Latour 
David R Allen 
A Anganvanie 
John D Wendell 
C D Hullen & Co 
Chas M Scovil 
Nathan G Fisk 
P H Hamblin 
Horace L Sill 
Samuel Sneden 
Henry T Mulbrey 
C H Levy & Co 
Ebon Goodwin k Bro 
Noah T Sweeney k Co 
Chas H Thorn, Jr 
J D Camp 
Edwin Hillyer 
C G Till ' 
Alirich & Burton 
Joseph F Moyses 
Mcllarg k Richardson 
A North 
Wm A Guert 
Vincent k Beekman 
Lindslay, Cameron k 

Hayward 
W C Landon 
W F Merrill 
Edmund C Fisher 
Jacob Chamberlain 

Moses Chamberlain 

J W A Davenport 

John Doggett, Jr 

Lyman, Converse k 
Pomeroy 

Freeman, Hodges k Co 

John Lockwood 

Longs k Woods 

Bartlett k Goodrich 

Malcolm & Gaul 

J L Beirer 

Bruno k Cargil 

F M Jones k Co 

Henry W Barnes 

John Buckley 

Spear, Ripley & Co 

Vail k Parker 

Thomas Saunders 

A W Van Pelt 

Saunders k Forman 

Genio C Scott 



Wm G Noble 

K Spencer 

Vincent Bellman 

A G Jerome 

Thaddeus R Brooks 

Wm Furman 

Thos N Dale 

Woodward, Mount k Co 

N Ferris k Co 

E Fuller, Jr 

Laughlin k Avery 

V G Audubon 

E Bonnier 

Alfred Jones 

W H Dans 

John E Bigley 

Pomeroy k Leonard 

R Furman 

Chas H Pratt 

Horace L Sill 

A Camp 

John Ogden 

JTP Smith 

James Whyte Davis 

John L Cadey 

Alfred Hassal 

A E Douglas, Sen 

Houghton & Arnold 

A R Raymond 

Ten Eyck, Sutphen k 

Co 
John W Dodge 
Richd A Rolfe 
H N Seaver 
H B Sheldon 
George Farmer 
N Coles 
Merrill, Townsend k 

Boynton 
Wm G Barney 
R G Green 
Chas Bridge 
J R Pierson 
Thos R Clark 
Thos M Argall 
Potts k Simmons 
Hope k Willcox 
Geo E Byxter 
C Cronkhite 
Thos T Winthrop 
James T Moulton 
Geo A Willis 
Draper, Knox & Inger- 

soll 
Sam F Bains 
Chas B Waldo 
Garner k Co 
Fanshaw, Milliken & Co 
Wisner H Townsend 
Albert G Crowell 
Thos Garner 
Geo H Whelpley 
Thos Harnar 
Leo Mortimer Thom 
Edward B Thorp 
T Wilson 
Wm Thorn 
Struthus & Vail 
C Brown 
G B Gray 
Robt Carpenter 
James Struthers 
H A Howe 
Barrows k Pitcher 
II Shepard 
Munsell & Co 
Hart. Morehouse k Mer- 

r'itt 
John P Lockwocd 
A L Reynolds 
Chalmers k Ward 
Graydon, Swanwick k 

Co 
Paton k Stewart 
Chas Hopkins 
John Cottings 



John S Quick 

Townsend & Kellogg 

J Loomis k Co 

A B Thompson 

James M Sloan 

Zenas Newell 

S 1) Burling 

Wm W Bruce 

A J Clark 

Wm J Burling 

L & V Kirby & Co 

Taylors & Richards 

Lee k Brewster 

Burnham, Plumb k Co 

Wallis k La Tourette 

Thomas Barry 

Wm Young 

Marvin A Arrents 

J k E Vandenhoet 

Henry C Southworth 

Wm F Kartright 

W W Bush 

L N Wyant 

Wm Strong, Jr 

John H Earle 

Wm Van Antwerp 

D S Ketchum 

Thomas Hiller, Jr. 

P M Curtis 

A D Hillard 

B D Judson 

J Burnham 

C W Railbeck, Esq 

C E Randell 

Thos Mason, Jr 

Geo M Brush 

J Munroe Murphy 

Wm King 

J W Hurlbutt 

H Ross 

S W Pinkery 

E Maltby & Son 

J P Martinot 

E C Ketchum 

Samuel S Conch 
M J Whelan 
Wm J Tyler 
J A Williamson 

Lewis P Clover 

D E Wheeler 

Stephen D Halsted 

H J Billings 

Wm Murphy 

Owen Cassidy 

Wm Conodes 

Henry Jelmerring 

H B Clark 

Smith Dunning, Jr. 

J S Dunning 

J J Stewart & Co 

C H Morford 

Israel Moorhouso 

Jas H Nol 

Frederick Curtis 

G W W Savage 

C Adams 

Jas L Miller 

S G Britter 

Aaron Close 

K Frezy 

S W Davenport 

J R Riley 

J G Payntar 

G R Smith 

John Lagrave 

J S Twrrar 

D Crocheron 

J W Gorse « 

Alfred F Lagravo 

Adam Boyd 

Jas Donald 

John McGregor 

W Gillilana 

J R Stufford 

H G Gillespie 

Saml C Bishop 



Alonzo Brown 

J C Leftingwell 

John P Fry 

J M G Smith 

J W Smith 

JR Gliddon 

Wm Ray, jr 

C Henderson 

John Howard 

John T Daly 

George Hoy 

George Wenterrath 

John L Henry 

Thomas Horace 

John Chacken 

H W Beese 

II J Minor 

A Livingston Johnson 

J W Bouck 

W W Case 

J L Slemmer 

Francis Harral 

Irving C Johnson 

J C Horner 

Ames C Martin 

H Morse Proff 

J W Winter 

Norton, Winslow k Co 

Davenport & Gardner 

Burt, Brothers & Co 

Wanger, Minor k Co 

Stone k Starr 

Philip Henry k Son 

William Tucker 

Saml G Wooten 

James W Stanton 

James Hale 

H C Bennett 

S J Edwards 

D H Bennett 

Carr Johnson 

C J W Lillerndahl 

Jones & Hanabergli 

T A Morrison 

J L Bach 

Wm W Shirley 

Geo Merritt 

Paul M P Durando 

E C Coates 

Samuel F Bartol 

G Panhis 

Robt Hill 

S V R Moore 

E Meyer 

M T Heuitt 

James Greig 

Chas A Merrick 

Hewit k Coulson 

Richards k Cromwell 

James Sweeney 

M Hardenbergh 

Jno A Jackson 

A L Beak 

H Jeroliman k Co 

Hayes k Snow 

J M White k Underbill 

Gregory k Foote 

Geo B Clark 

H N Birch 

Kimm k Switzer 

F S & S A Martin 

Armstrong k Mather 

Naylor & Co 

Chas A Shepherd 

Robt S Barnes 

Wm McGrorty 

Samuel Hutchins 

W S Dfity 

Oliver F Hall 

Geo G Hopkins 

R Chambers 

E S Earle 

Wm Strong 

Ira Beals 

NSW Vanderhoof 

J M Vanderhoof 



42 

Van Blankensteyn k Fibs 

AVni C Walker 

K Stone & Greacen 

Kichard Beasen 

John \\ r MoGrath 

AVm D Price 

G AV Barker 

W T Avis 

Joseph Jenkins 

H M Gage 

G W Simmons 

Ilosmer & ilubbards 

John Dewitt & Co 

Peck & Bloodgood 

Van Dozen, J agger k Co 

C & J Davis 

J P Hull 

Slauson. Barret, k Co 

J M Valentine 

John Sedgwick 

AV G Bui dick 

J C Welton k Co 

Thos G Stewart & Son 

W S Rowland 

R Mull, ken 

Edwd C Halliday 

Henry II Porter 

Danl II Curtis 

Daul Fainlou 

George Catlin 

Martin Xabriskio 

Chas A il.unilton 

Chas Abernethy 

J N Burr 

Noah Loder 

E & W Cock k Co 

BF Browning 

J L Stephenson 

A & W G Mooney k Co 

Jeremiah Frost 

Chambers & Hoiser 

J B Moroor 

AViddlelield k Cohn 

AV H Wolfe 

Hopkins. Allen J: Co 

Win H Franklin 

E J Anderson 

S Crocker 

N Knight 

Win Burton Greene 

Phillip Tilluigha.-.t 

Doremus ic Nixon 

John Slade, jr 

Thatcher. Tucker k Co 

Chaa Carvill 

Henry Bowers, jr 

Atwater. Knapp &AVood- 
rutf 

Hudson k Robertson 

Van Wagenen k Yeoman 

Hardt k Co 

Strange k Cc 

James W Cook 

Chas Paulson 

1, Goldschinidt k Co 

Ha! seed & Hash 

W Carpenter k Co 

Bernheimer & Arnold 

Gossman & Brotiiers 

American Howe Pin Co 

John Kirby 

John H Austen 

J W Schulten k Hurd 

Francis Burritt 

Geo Bird k Co 

James W Newton 

J H k Smith 

Thomas Br^lhers 

Chase & Walker 

R A & G H Whitthaus 

H Blake & Co 

James Lehr 

Stanton, Barnes k Ham- 
ilton 

F S & S A Martina 

Ohas A Macy 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



Little, Alden k Co 
Jas Letferts k Co 
M D Benjamin 
J L Hubbard 
L D Smith 
L D Jndd 

Godfrey, Pattison k Co 
McGregor k Timpson 
Moran k Iselin 
Winterhoff,Piper k Kauk 
A & J Higgins & Co 
Townsend, Clark k Co 
Hemmerling, Mayet k 

Co 
De Ronge k Moran 
W S Phipps k Co 
Thirion, Maillard k Co 
C AV Smith 
P II \ r andervoort & Co 
John Donnelly 
P Gallagher 
P O'Conner 
P McHugh 
AVm Caually 
M Gillen 
M Maters 
James Mehau 
P Sweet 
John L Ayres 
Geo Mannany 
Geo G Dnryee 
Richard Rush 
J Duhkin 
J AV Stevenson 
John Morris 
L Pilvors 
Thorn Blonear 
Charles Schweder 
Shumway 
John Brown 
T Thompson 
T Johnson 
J AV Burns 
N E Ten Broeck 
H V Rockakilling 
Robt Provcden 
Richard Smith 
Ransom Steenlegtt 
Sam Tavlor 
C AV Palmer 
Bradley Mead 
John Johnson 
J S Beach 
J P Green 
Edward Henry 
Chas Britts 
Geo Barton 
D M Terry 
II N Skinner 
Thos Curtis 
Magnus Roamstorms 
H Jl Martin 
Kobt Stewart 
Chas Friller 
C C Crowell 
AA 7 " R Chamberlain 
C G Corley 
Edwd AV Lewis 
Thos Eugene de Martans 
A M Beninger 
John Ball 
Chester Goodsell 
R C Rathburn 
John M Bolton 
Amos Finch 
Thos H Higinbotham 
Ross k Graham 
Edward C Halsey 
J B Hubbard 
Wm Ryder 
John Rvder 
J C Delprat 
John K Hollman 
A Swanda 
J D Slanghangher 
Geo D Ellsworth 



John S Voorhis 

AV B Northrop 

L B Case 

G M Groves 

II K Brewer 

Edward Scribuer 

ChasB Churchill 

M M Candy 

P C Foster 

D Halsey 

E Goodell 

Patrick Castello 

D J Hathaway, jr 

J Townsend 

R M Talliaffare. jr 

Thomas B Lawson 

J E Kilburn 

Geo II Clark 

C C Bostwick 

J A Campbell 

E T Turner 

Wm F Forby 

F G Scriber 

C H Roach 

J AV A Strickland 

II R Wintor 

AVm T Church. 

H G Gillespie 

Converse, Todd k Gray- 

don 
G Y Hurll 
Wm Doane 
E V McGregor 
A H ColUs 
J II Hedley 
Jas Burns 
John T Goldsmith. 
M F Gilhooley 
AValter E Harding 
Geo J AV Maibeo 
Daniel Pratt 
Ralph Pomeroy 
AVm V Brady 
Chas Burdett 
J C Frolick 
II Hathaway 
AV H Draper 
J M Martin 
Frank Phelps 
Edwd Riley Regan 
Ethan A Allen, jr 
E H Egbert 
AV A Bamsted 
Artois k Denison 
Benj Douglass 
Richd A Douglass 
John McKillock 
AA r m AV Hurlbut 
M A Roberts 
Guelin Burnblum 
T W Low 
W H AVarnor 
J M Phelps 
A B Brown 
E RAVard 
J Burns, jr 
Giles Blayer. jr 
A Hall 
T D ValiJ 
AVmB McGrath 
Chas Blake 
Geo A Johnson 
Thos Cochraine 
AV B Mead 
R S Abbott 
U L Hatch 
G F Muchend 
AVm Willis 
Chas L Strong 
H M Cleveland 
L B Leed 
C H Todd 
W H Crocker 
E D Perry 
A G A Belsoe 
Donaldson 



Higgins 
John AVashing 
John Kirkpatrick 
H N Morgan 
Austin Wheeler 
Teterel & Blain 
Beals, Bush & Co 
H E Morgan 
Saml AVoodruff 
S Carter 
Edward II Tracy 
J J Tracy 
C B Andrews 
T K Brace, jr 
AVm B Davis 
B G Fairchild 
J S Hautington 
Chas B James 
AVm B DeForreat 
F Oakes, jr 
A F Goodnow 
M Gleeson 
J L Cochran 
Joseph AVallis 
E R Mannon 
W F George 
S T Baldwin 
R H Douglass 
J A Hayden 
Curtis Jndson 
AV H Haskett 
L Edgerton 
E Littlefield 
R T Cross 
Jno Unsworth 
Geo Mallory 
AV J Udie 
Geo Taylor 
Edwd Hoober 
J T AVhite 
G F Mott 
AV H Montgomery 
Edward Matthews 
S S Bruklin 
Edward B Bell 
W D Fraser 
B G Willins 
Saml Marsh 
D B Holbrook 
R M C G ranam. 
A D Logan 
D B Turner 
P H Van Buren 
M Inglee 
E R Robinson 
G C Smith 
Edward Doran 
James Boyd 
H Lone 
Thomas Gasfs 
George Belford 
James Patterson 
Alexander Stern 
M Gillen 
J C Pegtie 
Hugh McBride 
Edwd McTaggrat 
F Gillen 
Peter McHugh 
John Faulery 
Dames Oates 
B McGowan 
Hugh Dolen 
J A Stevenson 
James Craigie 
AVm Mowatt 
W K Thorn 
J E Sayro 
J A Riley 
Bartley Hoyt 
J J Livery 
AA r m Myers 
AVm Shaler 
G Stephens 
Stephen Stevens 
Jas D Hawley 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



43 



Robert Jones 

D Boswick 

D Morgan 

James Allen 

Junes Little 

G J Seixas 

R C De Marcollin 

L B Woolworth 

Wm Hopkins 

A T Gonrlie 

James Sullivan 

J Cragem 

Geo B Farras 

H C Fling 

J E Libbv 

W G D Mellcp 

Warren Leiaud 

Geo Levie 

Chas H Hinman 

'R Wyokoff 

John llangavell 

Geo E Costar 

Silas P Downar 

N W Bradley 

Jacob Banter 

Andrew R Hoey 

Elias Moore 

James Dixon 

Saml Wintexler 

M H Bridge 

Saml J Bridge 

W J Child 

Richard Ferkin 

E B Gilmore 

G D Morrison 

Jas B Rish 

Thos Maloney 

F H Fleming 

J Edwards Libby 

Michael J Coley 

B S Buctor 

II Reed 

J R Handmen 

Jem Hynes 

W R Whitemen 

R Johnston 

C B Waito 

W H Dill 

D Sullivan 

Dr G Hypers 

Edward D Morember 

A M & C Stetson 

Chas Mount 

H C S human 

Jas H Brush 

Jas H Le Granger 

Lyman Andrews 

Jas D Anderson 

John H Blake 

Frank El we 11 

P Stewart 

H C Garwood 

John Walker 

John Black, jr 

Jas Williamson 

S L Spencer 

Geo Williamson 

John Snelgrove 

John E Myers 

Saml Regwa 

J Gallot 

Wm Van Houten 

Albert Fisher, jr 

Jas Achrsindan 

S A Van sard 

S Van Santroons 

W McCames 

Geo Lonsbury 

Wm Brown 

Chas L Jones 

Silas R Jones 

F N Rust 

John Woodruff 

J W Wandel 

T Mom 

J Siterly 



Peter Floyd 

D C Wilson 

Abram Volk 

John Fay 

Wm Smith 

John Gunn 

John H Reyorson 

John Tracy 

John Dunns 

John Walker 

J Owens 

Win Bond 

R E Larmity 

Thos GeUtou Curtin 

John Lloyd 

K Blight 

U F & E Doubleday 

Robt J White 

A Gallatin Howe 

Theodore W Bailey 

W C Allen 

Geo E Morgan 

B Day 

Isaac Amos 

S S Mottley 

Amos Britley 

Jas Barry 

E B Clayton & Sons 

John C Roberts 

H O H.ggins 

Sidney A Schiefflin 

Geo J Iloolidgo 

B J Stone 

Wm H Bond 

C Bulkley 

John B Strattin 

Alex Warner 

Chas Wood 

Wallace Hooper 

Thomas & Rust 

J D Dunkiu 

F L Parmeston 

Span lding, Thomas &. 

Vail 
Edward J Drydeiv 
Isaac H daily 
Chas A Appleton 
Edwd Griffith 
Beuj Farewell 
C V Back 

Marsenier Fianigather 
Aaron W Kellogg 
Berger & AValter 
J Stewart Guynne 
John G Butts 
John Lamb 
Wm T Peek 
Geo C Treston 
Jos H Westertield 
Henry M Sims 
L D Bulkley 
Wm J Dugan 
J D Morgan 
B S McDonald 
Leland & Beach 
John M Jenkins 
Geo H Irwin 
Rankin, Pulliam Jc Co 
C II Bedell 
Marcus Harins 
John Rogers 
Peter Mutton 
Thos B Quirk 
Thos Richards 
R Craighead 
W A Watkins 
Tatk O'Connor 
Edwd Walker 
W L Ormsby 
Thos Smith, jr 
D Van NostranJ 
C Knox 
Saml Brooks 
II H Jones 
G W Robinson 
John P Scott 



F C Thompson 

A D Ellis 

Henry Fenno 

Henry Gallagher 

A R Thompson 

John Ilawley 

Robert Patterson 

C D Birdseye 

A & N Conover 

M R Blon 

11 De Grace 

J C Smith 

Wm Colgate & Co 

John D Van Sann 

Jonathan Greene 

R B Hutchings 

J W Weston 

W D Macgregor 

Eugene Ahem 

Wm O'Brioce 

JohnMcllioy ■ 

Jas Clark 

F B Smith 

E Neville 

A McCotter 

S H Wales 

OD Mum 

J is P Beach 

John C Nixon, jr 

Robert Boggs ' 

N W Roberts 

T Teddy 

A S Comstock 

A Rogers 

Edwin A Brooks 

Mason & Law 

Henry W Law 

Gurtlon & Robinson 

Geo Savage 

C G Wood 

C E Smith 

WUlard Folt 

TreadweU & Gould 

John P Stagg. Spn & Co 

J C Henderson <V Co 

McFarland & Bragg 

Wickham <fc Hutchinson 

C W Hows 

L C Carter 

Geo Kinney 

George Burt !c Co 

E Robins 

William Way 

Jones iSc Rotchford 

Joseph Cheeseman 

Oscar Cheesemau 

Riggs, Hitchcock & Co 

Thomas & Franklin 

John Van Nest 

FB B.tts 

E Van Antwerp 

A Wetmnre. jr 

F Aden 

M Brakeley 

H Franlchir 

Chas Gibbons 

John A Haidcnberg 

Floyd Manvers 

Clapp k. Kent 

Oliver Wctmore 

Robert Shields 

James Close 

Morris Shipley 

F W Woodward 

B Moora 

Benjamin Bell 

Jas Cropsey 

Lervis Le Herts 

David D Egan 

E Martin 

Jacob Van Voorhies 

Jas M Winship 

Chas Ganley 

Pearson Brothers 

John Redow 

Chas R Park 



John R Smith 

Peter L Thomas 

Richard J Brady 

Jas Maguire 

R Alexander 

Jas Stills 

Stephen Smith 

E K Cline 

R H Welsh 

Andrew L Day 

Brennari O'Connor 

John O'Langhley 

John Farraday 

B Clark 

B Uarroren 

Andrew M'ook 

Barney Jaeksman, jr 

David Nelson, jr 

John Moolt 

T Bush 

R B Montgomery 

Ed Q Glasses 

Thos H Himster 

Cornelian O'Ling 

Jas Anderson 

Jas Cooper 

Edward Graives 

John Ross 

John Black 

Wm P Russell 

Garrett Smith 

Thos Volk, sr 

Fred E Douglas 

F S I-Ioyt 

John Smith 

Thos Jones 

David White 

Thos Volk, jr 

B Ribing Stow 

M Butler 

Thos O'Donald 

Jas Flinn 

S V Spencer 

B William, jr 

P Nott 

Edward Yates 

W J Slingerlam 

Frederick Spencer 

Edward Pratt 

W Pratt 

Saml Hall, Esq 

L G Hoyt 

Jas L Libby 

Fred Gilmore 

Isaiah Camelly 

J J A Drury 

Wm S Hall 

S M Sambler 

Daniel Dodge 

J Yale 

S H Bell 

J J Bridge 

Jas Floyd 

H V Mason 

John Carnes 

Mortimers & Gawtry 

('has S DeBoss 

II Garotry 

Edwd Cozzens 

Robt M Hedden 

F W Lasak 

Benj Gurnee 

Saml L Bowman 

O A Humphrey 

Wm Marsh 

Wm Brown 

F PGrow 

R Elliot Potts 

W G Mcllwaine 

B II Pherran 

Math Turner 

Henry Grillin 

E E Prindle 

Oscar Tibbals 

McCrcery & Goulding 

S & L Holmes 



44 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



Geo S Partridge, jr 

L Duhain 

Philip Carlebaoh 

A W Kelly k Bro 

A V Riker 

W B St urges 

Geo Wagner &. Co 

Baldwin k Many 

Edward Greenwood 

Austin k Tuttle 

Presley B Jewell 

G Dewitt 

Win C Koster 

Ezekial Allen 

E Avres 

C C 'Farnham 

F W Brooks 

C M Case 

Chas A Lament 

Wm H Watson 

J as T Lewis & Co 

Jno Towers 

T L Betts 

P D Gates 

Blackwell & Burr 

R Miller 
Jas Cassidy 

C T Goodrich 
Aymar k Co 
Husseu & Murray 

C S Stephenson 
Badger, Peck k Co 
H P Ryder 
S J Ball 
Wm S Bostock 
John Mills, jr 
A Hascy 
Wm E gin ton 
John MeXally 
Lewis B Cary 
John Whitney 
Win Mann 
W B Sand ford 
Jas Xh'holls 
E S Whitney 
Jas W Philips 
Jas A Van Brunt 
Robt Lowden 
Joseph Lovell 
WmSneliing 
Caleb Hopkins 
R Clellaud 
Edward Newlin 
G W Van Stavoren 
Seth Low 
D H Robertson 
J Winslow. jr 
Evans k Carman 
Plume & Lament 
J Angus Manning 
Edwd II Swan 
E V M.llett 
Peter Schott 
C W Fre Iricksbn 
Wm II Hallock 
James Lawson 
A Worthington 
Henry BeaJell 
Richard Lathers 
C N SpnlFord 
J S King 
W B Bolles 
E K Ware 
Henry Swift 
Caleb Barstow 
Hewitt, Lees k Co 
C Gibbs 
C L Recknagel 
Fletcher Westray 
S Knowlton 
Chas H Roome 
B Valentine 
A Wm Lees 
John Hardy 
Geo B Coly 
S W Bennett 



Lebbeus Chapman, 
J L Lirrallwood 
John R Church 
Thomas J Stewart 
C J Cadden 
G R Coats 
Fuller & Waller 
H H Dayton 
H B Watson 
James Plant 
Oliver Jones Granger 
A Bininger & Co 
St John Raymond k Co 
J P Blackwell 
Chas J Gilbert 
R k J Warnock 
J C Lanphier 
J McGregor 
John G Wyman 
Wm Hatt 
R Rait 
D J Tenney 
C M Gould 
J Pendleton, jr 
Gage, Dater & Macy 
L Timberlake 
Samuel A Church 
Joseph B Homer 
F B Woodcock 
T D Hiekok 
John Reelding 
William Thight 
W F Williams 
II L (Tilbert 
N Hinchman 
John F Brady 
Henry Judson 
Philip Brady 
John M Davis & Sons 
W II Warner 
A Plunket 
Thomas Hunt & Co 
Van Wagener & Yeoman 
Thomas & Maxwell 
II K Ingraham, 
John C Taylor 
Taylor & Marks 
Win W Pinneo k Co 
W P Warriner 
W W Wheelock 
Francis Hall k Co 
John S Ormsbee, jr 
Zebedee Cook 
Edward Anthony 
Edward A Strong 
Jeremiah J Dickinson 
Joseph Fisher k Co 
John W June 
Alexander J Bogart 
Daniel A Delano 
Cummins, Collins & Sea- 
man 
Chesterman & Hoguet 
Ballen k Sander 
A Keeler 
C Payen k Co 
Ezra Wheeler & Co 
J Y Fieeman 
R H & J G Isham 
W C Ward 
Dayton & Sprague 
J G Dudley k Co 
Graham k Co 
Henry MOber 
J A & N G Mosher 
A A Underwood 
J B Ville 
Alex Deacon 
James Boyle 
D H Gould 
John Degraw 
John J Dumond 
John Kearney 
H A Deming k Co 
Thos Gregg 
S S Sloan 



A S Whitman 

D J Shaw 

Ed Crolius 

R S Chapin 

E Oliver 

Samuel Holdsworth 

H A Dennison 

N Howell 

Chas Elliott 

A Lambert 

John Swan 

Chas S Little 

E C Little 

James O'Connor 

Patrick Clark 

John Brogan 

John Mai any 

Lyman Wiley 

James Breimaii 

James Clark 

Henry Black 

Chas E Benedict 

Wm C Barnett 

John W Elder 

Wm Morton 

Henry Robeits 

Lyman Wiley, jr 

Edwd Dickerson 

T C Scully 

Peter Johnson 

Henry Turner 

B W Carter 

Wm Reynolds 

Daniel Rooney 

Stephen Murphy 

Aaron B Philippe 

James C Laydcn 

E Woodruff 

Wm P Beers 

Patrick Shirr 

Saml S Thorp, jr 

Ml Mullins 

Geo Bumstead 

Willet Seaman 

W V Seaman 

H J Smith 

John M Tilford 

Robt Weekes 

John Watson 

W S Bond 

John Dickson 

Ira Lookere 

John Gilmore 

J J Johnson 

Jas Sharp 

Wm N Mclntyre 

Andrew Littell 

Geo H S La Vergne 

Chas H McNeil 

Edwd Jones 

John Rice 

Lawrence Rice 

Lawrence Shirley 

Thos Forster 

T Mallaby 

Geo T Sproull 

Jacob Beken 

R B Pitcairn 

E II Curtis 

Jas A Hovt 

Wm G Windell 

John W Harratt 

John B Ho user 

Thomas Cook 

John Goffey 

John Lea 

Ralph R Brinkerhoff 

J J Ringgold 

Gorham. Basset k Co 

Abel K Foster 

J Nickerson 

Geo Godfrey 

Edwin Coffin 

James E Bell 

Edwd A Cole 

E A Houghton 



Richd P Buck k Co 

W H Newins 

Hicks k Bailey 

John W Mott 

N Underwood 

James J Smith 

Wade, Morrison k Co 

Dunbar & Brothers 

T F Foster 

F W Brett 

W M Newell & Co 

J H Lowber 

John H Sprague 

Cornelius J Sprague 

Seaman k Peck 

Henry Frost 

Robert M Bruce 

Dan forth Keyes 

Leland & Mellan 

W Earl Arnold 

Ransom Hawley 

Reid k Sprague 

James Owen 

Wm G Tomkins 

Deveau k Corbett 

Geo P Frost 

G B Hubbell 

John J Northrop 

Underhill k Loyd 

Sackett, Lynes k Co 

E Sprague k Co 

J Gardner Vary 

Osgood N Jennings 

J W Lewis & Co 

Joel W Frost 

R S Clark 

John Phillips 

W J Buck k John Blunt 

Walsh, Mallory & Co 

J L Hunt 

Swift, Hurlbut & Co 

J M Wardwell 

A L Halsted k Son 

Chas W Cox 

H L Ayres 

Addington Reed 

Geo B Ripley & Co 

J K Marsh 

Francis A Thompson 

Edward Cassidy 

F S Whiting 

J C Layden 

Thomas C Jones 

Thomas M Brooks 

Wm Mendell 

James Crayon 

Jas R Ridabock 

James A Duncomb 

Jas McBride 

Stephen G Crane 

Hamilton R Bowen 

E Augustus Mendell 

James McNamee 

Wm Samuel 

N A Broadway 

James "Jones 

Geo Walker 

Stephen Wood 

H Mendell 

Geo A Shaffer 

Jas Horn 

Geo G Rich 

Chas R Bonnard 

John L Duryee 

C B Parsons 

John Flatery 

Jas W Matteson 

J Hessenberg & Co 

Saml Cochran & Co 

John J Martin & Bro 

J R Jaffray k Sons 

H E Bibble k Co 

Lambert, Johnes & Co 

Anddreaes k Co 

Adwin T Butler 

Samuel Roosevelt 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



45 



N B Therott 

Bibcock, Milner & Co 

Halsted & Brokaw 

L Timberlake 

White & Thuger 

E Maltby & Son 

Ebenezer Piatt 

Merritt, Ely & Co 

Rich & Loutrel 

E Haughton 

K J Brown 

B Brown 

John Wheeler 

G F Poindexter 

Wm M Lummis & Co 

Blackwell, Whittemore 

& Carhart 
Peck & Todd 
Marvin & North 
Herrick & Scudder 
C B Hatch 
David S Ketcham 
Buckingham, Ward & Co 
Jno E Earle 
J B Meeker 
F H Johnson 
Theophilus S Mott 
Lewis Burlingham 
B W Bunch 
Saml L Dean 
Wm M Knox 
Chas Crosby 
R Y Cooper 
V B WiUis 
B Parker 
A Wiley 
Thos Woods 
Theo Davis 
B Y McAllister 
R Gurder 
W Stephen 
HG Law 
John Tyson 
Saml Barstow 
W H Moore 
E E Morgan 
H Billows 
Ben D Smith 
Wm J Dean 
H W Barstow 
A Ladd 
H W Meade 
John Moore 
Jas Welling 
Saml Maillard 
S King 
E T Riley 
S Wiswall 
Henry King 
B T Pond 
J H Quirk 
J M Elliott 
Wm Seaman 
R Adair 
John Collum 
Wm Hutton 
Edwd Cassidy 
Chas Dant 
Stephen H Brown 
James Smith 
John Smith 
N Eberhard 
Fritz Eberhard 
P F Ogden 
Wm F Cromell 
Samuel Hutton 
James Howe 
John Curtis 
James Carroll 
M Cahill 

Augustus Mathieu 
Joseph Flynn 
George Bird 
F.dward Conklin 
John W Thorp 
David Miller 



Smith Crooker 

Robert Berloid 

T Moore 

Alfred J Crosson 

Geo McKinley 

Henry McKinstry 

George B Philpitt 

P Hanford 

J Potter 

S Potter 

Geo P H Brown 

Jas L Dean 

Chas Logan 

John Foggan 

Isaac Parmly 

Geo Gadney 

Jno Cuff 

J Cabster 

Richd McCutcheon 

Henly E Conway 

L L Oliver 

A J Dorale 

Galen Hunter 

S B Morris 

C J Isaac 

Philip R McArdle 

Geo Feltham 

F Brooke 

James Stout 

i II bilberry 

J Mullan 

Edwd Sherman 

Alex Hume 

Thos Hume 

A W Hume 

S Griffin 

J Morris 

Samuel Heath 

Frank S Edwards 

J Lane 

C Chapman 

G T Newell 

Robt Webber 

M K Wilson 

Chas D Mott 

A Herder 

Horace Grey, jr 

Wm T Frost 

E H Roberts 

Jas Hyde 

John Land 

C P Burden 

Francis Moran 

Edwd L Hedder 

George Reid 

Nathal Shenvick 

George Noble 

J Stephens & Co 

J W Lewis & Co 

C F Dambman 

Fred Britton 

Francis Briegen 

F 3 Smith 

Sprague, Robinson & Co 

Seth W Peckham 

Edwd Bridge k Co 

John P Arcularius 

James Maise 

A T Bruce 

J & R Bruce & Co 

Henry W Bates 

Wm H Livingston & Co 

John Steward, jr., & Co 

James Brown, jr 

Chatham, Vanderbugh <5t 

Co 
Wm H & J Roberts 
J A & R S Luqueer 
Harney Brown 
Van Antwerp & Massol 
K B Daly 
Hartman Markoe 
E Cauldwell k Sons 
Melancton Bliss 
H1TJ AveriU & Co 
Wade, Morrison & Co 



James T Waters 

S T McDougall 

S H Sterling 

Henry S Phillips 

Henry A Seaman 

Edward Centre & Co 

Geo W Lawrence 

Richard Patrick & Co 

Isaac Smith & Co 

Seymour Hoyt 

Jas March 

Lewis & Hanjford 

Benedict & Bradley 

Hiram M Cookiu 

Wm Price & Co 

Wm Irving Hyslop 

John N Masgrave 

Joseph H Patterson 

Theodore Kirby 

Edward G Williamson 

P J Nichols 

John G Shepherd 

Wm Sandford Kirby 

Joseph Hamilton 

John H Shepherd 

J H Norris 

Hiram B Perr 

George Girkey 

Alex B Crawford 

A C Ezekiel 

Leopold Palmo 

Chas Hawes 

Joseph Wallack 

James Jenkins 

Cornelius White 

Geo W Shurager 

G W David 

Wm Roire 

John H Bigley 

Wm E Jones 

James McDonway 

Dennis Mullins 

Thomas Holland 

D S Lyon, jr 

John L Wilson 

John L Brady 

John Clements 

Jas Crafts 

Sarnl Wilson 

D K Hail 

James M Mills 

Edwin Bartlett 

John Todd 

E H Howell 

H H Dexter 

A O Parmelae 

John B Durbrow 

H W Q,uitzow 

Way & Sherman 

H K Cushing 

Philip Levi 

Anson Taylor 

D W Fairchild 

Haight. Halsey & Co 

James T Bruce 

G D Williamson 

F Hopkins & Bros 

Jas L Truslow 

E A Vanderhoof 

Geo H Lathrop 

Thos R Casper 

Edward G Tuckerman 

Wm A Mead & Co 

J M Matthews 

Mn>cs Wooley 

J N Dilts 

Nathan Stevens 

James Farley 

A B Davis 

John E Warren 

Augustin Averill 

Samuel Osborne 

W B Butler 

T B Cuming 

John P Hagur 

J J Boyd 



James R Keeler 
Walden Pell 
John Yates Cebra 
James Bridge 
Wm Rust 
A F De Luze 
Everett &. Brown 
Thos Means 
T V W Sebring 
Henry Clucas 
Stephen A Pierce 
Jobs Butler 
Eli White &. Sons 
E Furdy 
H G Marks 
Wm Rice 
James B Lynch. 
Geo Reimer 
J McMuUen 
Wm McMullen 
Thos S Yates 
B Jackman 
Wm Armstrong 
John Fowler 
Wm B Miller 
Wm Woodhull 
J J Ferris 
J M Ports 
J D McKay 
Chas M Decker 
C Latham 
John Crawford 

Isaac B Swift 

Philip O'Neil 

B S l J emmnar 

S Walling 

John Stephens 

B Decker 

P S Lubs 

D D Tompkins 

Oliver Monroe 

Valentine Baker 

D Lewis 

J W Hyde 

A D Atkinson 

G Lockwood 

Isaiah Rynders 

W S Munday 

A S Griswold 

Wm H Morrell 

Grant Thorburn 

Walter Brady 

Isaac H Brown 

A M Anderson 

Kr.eeland S Townsend 

Wm H Stansbury 

Thomas Dunn 

A L Stimson 

T Cobb 

John Hoey 

W W Voorhies 

James Cholwell 

Wm P Morrison 

G M Curtis 

J U Slemmer 

Robertson Reynolds 

W Stevenson 

F W CooliJ^e 

3 De Witt Blondgood 
I, W Winchester 
E Louis Brinsmada 
Wm E Sibell 
Wm Mott 
A Cholwell 
John Newhouse 
D L Pettee 
Jas Green 
N R Brewer 
Josiah Pierce 
John I Mum ford 
Dwight !c Townsend 
James L Varick 
R H Johnson 
James Doran 
R P Middleton 
W B Middleton 



46 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



H L Gardiner 

S C Dortie 

A Zender 

John J Dortie 

C A Colquitt 

Eugene Daly 

J Henry Wilhaus 

H L Wickham 

Stewart, Greer & Co 

Swift. Waldron & Co 

Hawkins & Logan 

Oliver Corwin & Co 

Cogswell, Crane k. Co 

Joseph W Beadel 

Wm S Johnson 

H B Wardell 

J II I'hillips 

F Johnson 

Chas Wardell 

M J Stone 

W Henry Morris 

J James Kelly 

Chas M Gray 

Wra & John Schrymser 

Geo W Phelps 

Jas Bergen 

J G MiUs 

P Truex 

J N Clark 

J Dunning 

Robt Andrews 

G S Earle 

M C Adams 

W C Smith 

J C Donovan 

Cyrus Harmon 

M Reynolds 

Wm Robbins 

Thomas Clark 

Thomas Wiliiam 

P Thompson 

S Houseman 

R Vail 

J Banta 

John Hutton 

James Ludlow 

Joseph Ludlow 

D Tallman 

D Sherwood 

R Duryee 

W Peterson 

J McGinnis 

Walter Soofield 

B S Budd 

W Wright 

James Lowden 

Oliver Odell 

B Cruikshank 

J D Van Voorhis 

J A Van Voorhis 

Cragin & Wallace 

Win Eagle 

Jacob Perkins 

II T Croc in 

Geo Linen 

J W Dennison 

T Eardon 

Edward N Wead 

Owen C Owens 

Edward Knox 

A L Hatch 

Charles C Horton 

Thomas Outwater 

Abner Taylor 

John Batton 

James Tarrant 

F S Morris 

B A Van AnUin 

Malon Apgar 

Major Lines 

J H Williams & Son 

E Blackford 

Chilar & Smith 

Perkins & Brothers 

Geo W Carpenter 

J W Winn 



C G Christman 

Alfred N Park 

Robert II Smith 

John D Winple 

Capt W Webb, USA 

Hon C Dyer, M C 

Geo W Wiley 

James Reeves 

Jas A Demarest 

David Moffit 

Wm Falconer 

Jas Payne 

Henry Burritt 

Stuart F Randolph 

Badger, Peck &. Co 

Edmund Mozeltyne . 

Jas S Hyde 

H Hearsey 

Edward Curtis 

N C Pratt 

H II Swan & B Crassons 

H Leichhard 

Wm II Bur beck 

J L Dobbin 

E Eck 

F W Clark 

G S Owden 

W P Witcomb 

John M Bruce 

Gerard Hallock 

Win H Van Orden 

J Cohen, jr 

W H CahveU 

Washington Durbrow 

Wm H Stone 

B R Sheall 

Wm Neilson 

Jas Coleman 

Timothy Kellogg 

Geo Collins 

Henry Yelverton 

Bird D Gillilan 

E V Booth 

Geo S Stephenson 

N R.Stimson 

V." S Moody 

N S Ogden 

W E Bunker 

H Gowdy 

Geo Ryan 

S Van Benschoten 

J P Veeder 

J W Forbes 

F E Mather 

M M Vail 

Chas Vandervoort 

Cornelius Oakley, jr 

Daniel V Valentine 

Wm Lawson 

Solomon Levi 

Wm F Hopscn 

J H Prentice & Co 

H Deming 

Chas Whitney 

G W Suttler 

D & A Wesson 

Yuljne. Baldwin &. Co 

Seaman & Muix 

D Wanimer 

J F Kirby 

S N Chilson 

W E Chilson 

W P David 

D Beaudin 

J C Woodbine 

C C Merchant 

L S Gordon 

E Barnett 

W Warren 

W E Millet 

Geo P Fox 

C A Baudoine 

A Stodart &, Co 

F Hitchcock 

E II Leadbeater 

C S Holden 



H Young 

Williams & Stevens 

James Beck & Co 

J L Kingsley 

Wm Harrington 

J L Brown 

D CampbeU 

D Galer 

K Woodward 

L Weller 

Lincoln Bates 

William Turner 

Jas B Murray 

A Jones 

John Lorimer Graham 

John A Weils 

Wm G Butler 

James H Van Allen 

H Shepard 

J B Varnum 

Naihaniel Marsh 

W B Dinsmore 

Geo S Maury 

A S Levy 

J A Underwood 

J Cleveland 

S Wilmot 

J Hamilton Pratt 

Chas Buck 

Robert M K Strong 

C Edwards Lester 

Alex L McDonald 

Daniel Jackson & Co 

John Slosson 

Jas Monroe 

R & N Dart 

A & A G Trask & Co 

Leeds & Hazard 

Lovell & Pomeroy 

Veerder, Popham & Co 

E K Jauncey 

Wood & Grant 

Harper & Co 

Brigham & Carhart 

Wm C Taylor 

Wm R Hoodless 

Cooper & Giraud 

C H Leonard 

H M Schiemin 

M W Woodward 

Joseph Boston 

Bunker & Van Boskerck 

F W Whittlesey 

Morris, Reynolds & Co 

H Tibbits 

James T Barker 

James A H Bell 

Thomas Gilmartin 

Samuel Newby 

H Havens & Co 

Heath & Richardson 

Gibbs & Co 

E Lyman, jr 

Samuel Lyman 

Youngs & HoweU 

Josiah Rich 

L Wignin 

H Bortias 

C M Iiolcomb 

Brooks & Bearne 

James Q, Wood 

Thos Hoyt & Co 

C A Burgess 

Wm H Jauncey 

Lewis S Squire 

J Van Buskirk 

J Pearsall 

John Doane 

C Johnson 

G Dutton 

W Ellionn 

J Thompson 

John Singer 

P P Haight 

G H Goetchins 

P C Friher 



H B Weeks 

R F Thomas 

E T Deforest 

John Walker 

S Compton 

A A Davis 

T H Thurston 

E Glassey 

P Phelan 

R B Montgomery 

S G Glass 

G McMuUand 

WLent 

J C Wandell 

John J O'Brien 

J McMenomy 

S S Chamberlin 

James L Wise 

Hamilton Jones 

H Yoclin 

Henry Coles 

J D Lambert 

Stephen Burkhalter 

S H Barratt 

J A Gilmour 

Edward Fox 

James Foster 

S P Andier 

Joseph T BeU 

Henry S Moore 

Joseph W Lea 

C A Griffen 

J & S Philbin 

Cornelius Lockwood 

Wm M Dayton 

H Y Crocheron 

G II Palmer 

R L & A Stuart 

Robert Robertson 

Wm R Van Amburgh 

Wm Gardiner 

Caleb Howell 

W Ralph Williams 

A Willetts 

Geo F Coolidge & Bra 

S R Kenney 

Rafferty &. Leask 

Geo S Doughty 

B F Bailey 

J S Ailing 

Henry Morris 

Henry Johnson 

C W Cary 

Jas Woods 

J II Dater 

J Cockran Alexander 

Francis N Barrow 

W II Drinker 

Geo Begbee 

John II Blown 

Thomas Smith 

S N Solomon 

Geo L Haviland 

Chas Drake 

J Hamilton Pratt 

Anthony Viger 

John Morrisif*. 

W Wiles > 

S Burchand 

C Brooks 

W R Conway 

John P Townsend 

George E Grant 

John M Burns 

R L Bertholf 

Harvey H Woods 

John II Coombs 

Donoly Jim 

Geo W Archer 

W H Bowne 

AV H UnderhiU 

J W Conway 

J Monk 

John T Meakim 

C G Voorhees 

F E Robertson 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



47 



Dr Homer Bostwick 
Dr J Devlin 
"Win H Raynor 
T Pugsley 
Thomas Office 
John Milton HaU 
N T Whiting 
Jamer Bryan 
John Jollener 
Jesse Weeks 
Martin Hamilton Reed 
Dewitt Clinton Judah. 
Hemy Bennett 
A Maddox 
John Connoh 
WmS Gregory 
Lucius B Allen 
A P Snyder 
J S Shotwell 
Wm Miller 
Wm Niles 
Joseph B Hart 
Geo W Stevenson 
" Beekman" 
Jas Rapelje 
J Ross F Postley 
John Colyea 
Daniel D Hyer 
Chas Henriques 
Daniel K Underhill 
J Stebbins Lalhrop 
Jabez C Nott 
Capt James 
J B Fordham 
Thomas C Smith 
Geo D T Ordway 
Edward Macmober 
Geo P Nelson 
A P Harrison 
Egbert Howland 
J Sozier 

Robert Pelligrew 
Wm Coulter 
Daniel Archer 
G A Conover 
Jas Wotherspoon 
Robert Taylor 
Peter B M'Glynn 
Thomas Chalmer 
Horace Beals 
Jacob W Goodwin 
Isaac Lewis 
A A Denman 
Jos Rogers 
Samuel A Campbell 
John Creighton 
Saml Mahon 
Robert Mahon 
Chas Walker 
Philip Furlong 
Johnston Campbell 
James Elder 
James Curry 
Edward Farry 
Constantine Mahon 
John Slater 
Thomas Roberts 
John Finkins 
Henry Kuntz 
John May 
Edward Lynch 
Arthur Creighton 
Thomas Vobert 
Patrick McGinnis 
James Riordun 
Frank Stryker 
Wm Camraer 
Robert Grain 
James Smith 
John Stone 
Sylvester Farry 
Frank Dayton 
James Ross 
G W Q,uidar 
John F Seaman 
Geo P Flagg 



John Letson 

J L Woodin 

John Robert 

Wm H Bolton 

Wm M Giles 

F E Durdin 

S S Remsen 

Wm Wilson 

Wm Mowbry 

R S Taylor 

John Van Norden 

S S Wyckoff 

H P Battle 

Wm W Meredith 

W E Barnes 

P Gordon 

Andrew Farnham 

James Wood 

M P Worrd 

D E Johns 

Haight & Van Lien 

C L Gale 

Geo A Hickok 

J Wendell & Co 

H A McSwain 

Saml Mitchell 

E K Curtis 

Gilbert, Cobb & Johnson 

John L Buckley & Co 

Wm Cutler 

David A Wood 

L D Jims 

T Noble 

James White 

W J Campbell 

A R Moonereff 

Thos B Brown 

D A Edwards 

H Haller 

C D Stewart 

R C Webster 

James M Wattles 

W A Williams 

J G Cameron 

A L Allen 

H G Brant 

Chas McBritt 

K B Howard 

John Daley 

L Lincoln 

W G Murray 

A J Nichols 

John J Delaplaine 

James Campbell 

M Reilly 

James B Doolittle 

A J Townsend 

Chas J WiUett 

J Thomas 

M J McNamara 

Mike Walsh 

A Walbridge 

Townsend & Bro3 

R B Milliken 

B M Kevers,jr 

R Damrell 

Seth B Robinson 

John W England 

John Oakley 

Jenkins 

Lemuel Nichols 

Park & Ressell 

G Alexander 

Wm A Douglass 

Wm F Powers 

Wm P Morse 

Samuel Annon 

Mott & Bros 

Wm J Van Boskirk 

Chas Jones 

Chas Franks 

Dennis Duffy 

A Walker 

Joseph Lee 

C D Post 

John Condon 



Alfred Wright 

W G Poor 

G Furman, jr 

P Ostrang 

R W Aborn 

Bassett & Aboni 

J M Gardner 

K Williamson 

H Morrison 

John Odell 

J Holmes 

Henry B Venn 

F Fitzsimmons 

James Graham 

Wm Taylor 

S S Lynch 

Isaac M Phyfe 

C C Carbitt 

Chas R Ellis 

A R Snyder 

D M Hubbard 

S A Lawrence 

George Curtis 

Stephen A Waring 

Wm Johnes 

Emerson W Smith 

Geo T Stanley 

Francis Hoilon 

James Ross 

Stevens 

George D Peshine 

Wm Close 

James Ward 

H N Ward 

Chas B St John 

Thos Mix 

John P Manuel 

Chas Weeks 

Henry W Van Nott 

TR Strong 

B F Kendle 

Thomas Cummings 

Wm P Thomson 

Augustus Gautier 

James H Major 

W T Edgerton 

James Groodfrey 

A B Althause 

James Cambell 

M D Underhill 

Henry Welsh 

Jeremiah Welch 

S Van Rensalier 

Thomas Dennis 

J C Sangis 

J W Story 

Nelson Elliot Reek 

J Van Renselder 

G S Van Wagennen 

G Boliver Hall (Cold) U 

S B W 
M C Hutchison 
James Bedell 
E P Barnes 
Wm Hastings 
Chas Adams 
John Marshall 
James Thompson 
S Opdyke 
C L Eliot 
John Arrowsmith 
John R Thompson 
Geo W Willis 
Allen M Cassidy 
Wm J Johnson 
Wm Phipps 
Wm Bennett 
Chas Baker 
Thos O'Connor 
Geo Southmayd 
E S Martinson 
S G Savago 
J L Goodhua 
Sill Gautier 
Edward T Gray 
Francis Dyer 



John Campbell 
Adam Schepps 
Wm H Thomas 
George King 
Robert Fulton 
James Smith 
James Malloy 
Thomas Logan 
.1 F Brown 
Thomas Phillips 
Henry Camps 
Otto C Sackman 
Edgar II Laing 
James Stewart 
Wm J Brisley 
C M Rogers 
John Nevin 
Cornelius Johnson 
John Robinson 
Edward D Nolion 
Peter J Bogert 
Jacob C Bogert 
John Edward 
John M Dodd 
J C Houston 
James M Sweeney 
Howell Dobbs 
Wm Green 
Jacob S Baker 
Alex Lawrence 
James Harriott 
Freeman Bloodgood 
John G Bliss 
WmLaimber, jr 
John A Harriott 
M S Meyers 
F C Hoagland 
Thomas Haley 
John H Cornell 
Francis Duncan 
Bernd P Smith 
Isaac Graham 
Amos Woodruff 
John B Cornell 
Robert Smith 
Asa VV Fry 
Jas Anderson 
John Wilson 
Benj F Camp 
Wm Tucker 
Taylor & Alden 
J F Adams 
Amos Howes 
Robert Letson 
Sneden, Scheuck & Co 
Aug Embury 
Dows & Giteau 
J Ketchum 
R M Perriyer 
C M W Fry 
J W Halstead 
P H Holt 
Samuel Gilman 
H II Salmon 
S C Paxon 
Jas C Woodward 
A Barratt 
Win H Hazard 
Russell & Morton 
Cooper & Giraud 
Daniel Thorton 
Andrew Luke 
N L McCready 
Joseph Allen 
J D Abrah.ims 
Henry C N-'smitb. 
Gray & Wilson 
Wm Thomson 
J Y Williams 
Edward Bill 
John C Hunter 
Eagle & Hazard 
R C Read 
James Ward 
E J Mercer 
D A Brant 



48 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



Rufus H Griswold 

J A F Brinkerhoff 

Geo F Deitey 

G F True 

Wra Clark 

VV Waring 

A Wilson 

B D Long 

Jas Chriscadoro 

A B Tnplar 

R G Belt 

G Hamilton 

Daniel F Britcher 

A N Clarey 

John A Hake 

Thos Lawrence 

Elias H Ely 

Chas J Folsom 

Wm Jarvis 

J G Elliott 

Casper C Childs 

Geo Payon Q.uackenbos 

Chas Squirk 

Wm Walti Drinker 

Richard D Cook 

J Ruggles Landon 

Jas W Riggs 

Thos Cooman 

Richard D Adams 

Benj Raynod 

T W Brantingham 

Van Buren k Churchill 

John F Keel 

Chas B Babcoek 

H P Wilson 

I A Ganley 
Isaac k Solomons 
J Brunner 
Persse k Brooks 

G B k J R Wilkinson 
W C Heath 
Benj G Breck 
Jeremiah Devlin 
Reuben H Jones 
Wm Perry 
Stephen W Jessup 
Andrew Gilhooly 
J Edgerton Smith 
H H Johnson 
E Varburg 
H P Hall 

II B Hall 
E Hall 
Daniel Alden 
F W Haines 
Edwd N Tailer. jr 
Wm R Swan 
Date k Wright 
W A Mitchell 

J J Booney 
Jas Waugh 
Samuel Hasskett 
John Molley 
A Egbert 
James Hanlon 
John Parker 
Wm C McEdwards 
S Dreyfous 
Frans C Lawrence 
Abram R Van Nest 
H D Magnes 
James Hervey 
Jas Bonacum 
W R Sheldon 
Geo Woodruff 
Thos P Stanlose 
Jas- Collins 
E W Laight 
John Breasted 
Schuyler Livingston 
Jacob A Westervelt 
E Mills 

Francis Perkins 
James p Wallace 
W F Young 
R L Baldwin 



Saml Shaw 

John G Auten 

N Gilmore 

F L Richardson 

Richd F Parisen 

A G Demon 

Arthur Stewart 

Andrew Hume 

J W Auten 

Ed Wade 

S H Butler 

Enoch Smith 

Henry Smith 

J S Gans 

J D Meeker 

Geo Manning 

Wm W Thompson 

Alexander C Wheelock 

L & B Curtis k Co 

B Aymar 

Wm Wright 

D J Oakley 

P Cunen 

J P Newman 

Earl k Reeves 

A F Earl 

James Sherman 

H W Gilkland 

James Reeves 

J L Gaulier 

H Perricks 

Wm Clark 

J B Scott 

E L Vandevere 

J N Stewart 

G A Meachum 

R D Holmes 

W S Tompkins 

J H Brady 

E Le Fort 

J Keyser 

P Cunen, jr 

J H Ryerson 

S S Albu 

W W Kuhn 

J Kelly 

E Rosenfield 

W II Mace 

J H Borchess 

C Coleman 

S Ludwick 

E M Bartlett 

Thos Darby 

J Rooney 

Wm Moore 

James Foy 

John J Haskness 

R H Polly 

M McChesney 

Wm Knapp 

Wm H Radford 

John S Pollard 

Thos L Knight 

John B Coth 

Claude Dasfepben 

Lewers k Jurgens 

Martin & Whitsciff 

Roswell Hovey 

C Bogart 

Henry Weldon 

F Owen & Son 

Geo Forrester 

Winship Meeks 

S Van Buren 

S Suydam 

II k J Hopkins 

Robt Pearce 

Geo E Douglass 

Chas Wright 

Wm H Moglom 

Nathan Ruthburn 

Joseph R Hoff 

Wm G Shepherd 

Jno J Qnackinburt 

D M Demarest 

A Ackerman 



Wm Van Allen 

Richd B Lewis 

Jas P Mackey 

J & G Fair 

Thos Bates 

Seth Godfrey 

F W Fanning 

M Armstrong 

P N Hoosley 

Robert Robertson 

M H Nugent 

Alexander Hepburn 

James Rowe 

J D Lent 

Jas Carmody 

H M Fen 

Thos Bunting 

John Doyle 

Wm D Jagoe 

Thos Price 

Daniel Blauvelt 

Benj Galbraith 

S Byrne 

N C Palmer 

H C McLeod 

D A Wasson 

Frederick N Armstrong 

Samuel Jackson 

Thos Hailey 

John Keef 

H M Morris 

Thos Malony 

B N Wilkinson 

Geo Ross 

H Miegs 

F S Gregg 

Saml K Wood 

J Welsey 

T Chester 

Jas H Perkins 

Jas Claig 

John Flemings 

Saml P Avery 

Miles Lovelle 

J D W Lewt 

John Hamilton 

John Byrnes 

J H Marshall 

D Carolin 

J W Johnson 

John Bush 

James Benson 

Thos A Fletcher 

Elisha Bloomer 

A C Dunham 

F E Whitney 

Geo McCord 

Hall k Bohme 

Geo C Rich 

Horace A Shaw 

Saml Allen 

W H Norris 

Robbins, Langdon & Co 

James McAlloy 

Seribner k Coolidge 

S Craig 

P W Engs & Son 

Jackson, Robins k Co 

Benj H Ford 

C L Anthony 

M T Nicholson 

Wright k Holgate 

Tarrant Putnam 

Sanderson k Griggs 

Loder k Co 

McDougal k Rushmore 

Booth k Tuttle 

Blashfield & West 

Hugh Macnair 

S P Conner 

SD 

H C Parke 

John S Shapter 

N D Smith 

Murfey, Benedict k Co 

Wm Kertland 



Henry L Clark 

W W Underhill 

S k T Lawrence 

J W Rumsey 

Wm Snedeker 

Edwd Cook 

C P Marks 

G P Bradford 

Hatch & Yale 

R F Mathews 

Dibble k Frink 

Danl Williams 

H P Liscomb 

BLevi 

S B Solomon 

W B Bennett 

John Cook 

Wm Walker 

John Mitshu 

S M Stiles 

PA Fay 

J B Germond 

S Brukheina. 

J Hyatt 

Geo M Bertram 

John R Farrington 

Wm Hibbard 

G G Taylor 

H J Sherwood 

Wm D Briggs 

J D Hunt 

S Sestrum 

James Davils 

John Williams 

A Jarvis 

F Godfrey 

W H Proctor 

I- R Case 

John C Bishop 

Henry Douglass 

P V Hoffman 

W D Harris 

L R Shaw 

W W Todd 

Chas Combes 

Wm Dodge, jr 

John M Bruce, jr 

Cunningham & Osborne 

David Ogden 

Levi Cook k Co 

Underhill & Lloyd 

Doilner & Potter 

M S Schoonmaker 

Lord, Warren, Salter & 

Co 
H Nichols 
R Swartwout 
Wm J Todd 
Wm Engs 
John Dawlew 
Wallace, Barry & Co 
J C Felham 
Saml F Tracy 
Smith Tuttle 
Wm S Hastie 
Alfred Edwards & Co 
Geo Whitaker 
Jos G Dorr 
S Baldwin 
Wm W Calder 
Geo Groesbeck 
S L Tredwell 
Thom Bray 
E Molan 
Wm Butler 
C Luth 
E T Hyde 
J Bond 
R Lysell 
S Baker 
J B Cruimer 
J De Angelis 
Squire N Godfrey 
Chas P Gordhier 
S M Hutchins 
J Mullen 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



49 



J Hart 

T Spenoe 

J Simoson 

S De Angelis 

CTeal 

J Roney 

J Darby 

VLutz 

J Vandercluck 

Win S Birch 

J Lockwood 

Geo H Kook 

James Pratt 

S H Lewis 

Thos Pearson 

A W Van Pelt 

John Carnch 

C Degrum 

C H Zeller 

Wm Walsh 

W McRea 

David Hollis 

B F Halsey & Son 

HAT Granbery 

John D Sweet 

John Lynch 

Walter .Maury 

James H Wright 

Wm Hindhaugh 

F S Cozzens 

Peter Cragin 

J Sere well 

John M Costa 

Wm Oxx 

Marius Imbert 

John Ackland 

S F Bowne 

John H Bedell 

Jas W Staintwon 

C F Chas 

H II Athens 

C Lewis 

A H Hurd 

C B Kellogg 

E Kellogg 

Z Bailey 

Wm A Jacoboin 

B C Bogert 

Henry Bell 

W Ball 

John Ferrell 

Simeon Scott 

Geo Rain 

Henry O'Brien 

Bern herd H Kennan 

J S Howell 

Chas R McNulty 

W Z Larned 

Saml E Darling 

H Zabriska. 

Ralph H Avery 

H G Sturghes 

J B Simpson 

K B Hoyt 

A. A Demming 

V E O'Shea 

L C Coe 

Baldwin, Bliss & Sheldon 

Edward Wamsley 

Dickinson & Churchill 

C B Bostwick 

F D Page 

W J Combs 

F R Page 

M M Brown 

J H Neilley 

J Mansfield 

John Clark 

Wjn W Dean 

Geo W Powers 

Jas G Mather 

G Jennings 

C H Waterbury 

Robt Gamble 

E A Russell 

J B Brown 

4 



GHyde 
Jas Daly 
John Myers 
Johr. Gilson 
John Van Nest 
John A Hangrim 
A D Sloane 
Chas Dodd 
John McEntyre 
John B Hoffman 
John Gamble, jr 
Wm McCready 
Saml Baker, jr 
James Barkley 
Wm Barclay 
Wm Douglass 
Albert Fisher, jr 
Walter Moore 
Jas Mason 
Monsieur J Bird 
Jacob C Fisher 
Hugh McElrath 
John Russ 
Wm Ingham 
Chas McFarland 
Thos Gorman 
Wm Griffith 
P V Smith 
Edward Berkley 
Chas Odell 
John R Fogal 
M Batler 
Rufus Blaine 
Henry White 
Alfred C Holmes 
S P Spencer 
S Hopkins 
John Blunt 
Geo V Ryerson 
Edw Drake 
Thos Farran 
Jas McLoane 
Joseph Wallack 
C A Ebbets 
David Price 
J W Biker 
Francis N Barron 
Chas T Dye 
Isaac H Austen 
Edwd Ferry 
PT Butler 
James Berthoff 
II H Cook 
J H Morris 
G W Shurragar 
James H Patton 
F A Hegeman 
S D Chapman 
B B Hallock 
W Corbin 
E R Gale 
John Penniman 
W Hemmalang 
James Inglish 
Jno M Vanderbilt 
J G Hall 
Wm Preston 
Saml Broughton 
Richard W Maun 
H G Deniston 
J W Tomkins 
Henry W Brown 
Geo H Jones 
C H Church 
Thomas Sproull 
T W Warren 
E T N^xsan 
D A Allen 
S G Hamilton 
W P Donaldson 
Edwin Richmond 
Richard C Sherman 
Smith Hicks 
C E Sanedon 
Esau Horn 
Chas Larancout 



Cornelius Reed 
Geo B Ward 
G Scarff 

Geo B Woodridge 
Robert W Brown 
Thos Smith 
W B Simpson 
John Wood 
C W Francis 
Wm Foster Leo 
Isaac C Pray 
C N Mackubise 
Francis M Denister 
Henry Gelston 
Jacob J Blauvelt 
J A Serven 
Saml Walker 
A A Campbell 
Cornelius Bedell 
Nicholas Mandevilla 
Wm H Blauvelt 
Henry Hughes 
Nathan Cooke 
Robert Corbett 
Samuel Gardner 
Abm Depue 
Noah Norris 
B Pilcody 
Josiah F Durnie 
Wm Hatton 
Hugh O'Mallie 
Wm Wallace 
Ezra F Fuller 
Taylor Smith 
Wm Bemer 
Prescott Tray 
S Barker 
Thos J Houpt 
Oscar W Hyatt 
Geo Martin 
Clements Hamplin 
Hosea B Pinnis 
J B Tibbets 
Chas B Reese 
John Dean 
James H Hamilton 
C S Breckett 
Robt R Nevin 
Underhill & Boel 
Thos Knight 
J J Ennis 
T M Moore 
A H Sands 
Geo H Neurgezer 
Wm J Flagg 
Chas T Shelton 
Horace Andrews 
T S Hale 
A Hogan 
Wm Musgrove 
Maurice Wins 
L A Sykes 
Gilead A Smith 
Chas Thwing 
H W Carr 
S R Wicks 
John C Hopper 
R Carman Combe3 
Robert Browne 
Tabec & Bagley 
Wm W Porter 
Van Norden & King 
Wm Jas Currio 
Wm II Nevius 
J A Quackenbag 
Wm E Us worth 
Jas E Jenkins 
Horace J Moody 
John P Paulison 
J M Randulp 
Wm H Emerson 
Chas Neucom 
Thos M Beare 
W H Lush 
Edwin F Post 
Halstead 



J R Halstead 

Stacey Pitcher 

Thomas H Appleton 

Thomas Carroll 

Richard Wynkoop 

Samuel Hoffman 

S Gansay 

A J Perry 

Wm Barber 

R Withins 

C W Lawrence 

Aug E Silliman 

E Riggs 

Edwd M Morgan 

Stuart T Randolph & Co 

Thomas G Carey 

James Gallatin 

F Dobbs 

A P Halsey 

J Oothout 

H A Worth 

R Strong 

Winslow, Lanier Sc Co 

Jno G Winter, Son & Co 

Jas De Lancey Walton 

J Cammann 

J Walter Camp 

M Arrowsmith 

Geo Prescott 

Jas Hillyer 

Eli C Blake 

Jas McCrow 

John Townsend, jr 

Daniel H Racket 

Solomon Hanes 

H Beakley 

D C Vaughan 

John Alexander 

J William Mead 

E W Nexsen 

A P Vosburgh 

Charles Schroeder 

Geo W Stiursen 

J H Rogers 

Alexander Trenchard 

L S Geer 

Charles H Fairbain 

Samuel J Seely 

W H Sherwood 

Robt Dodge 

Samuel H Meller 

S Fisk 

Edwd Crook 

Robt D M Gray 

Robt Egan 

Wm Mortimor 

Gilbert S Mixon 

James Bridges 

T M Lowe 

J Ritter 

H P Brush 

Corns Oakley 

W H Coles & Freeman 

Wm G S Yates 

Geo Hodgson 

L Coman 

Henry Waring & Son 

John Cryder 

AVm H Peck 

John Moore 

Wm Minny 

Peck &. Lyman 

H Murlin 

Isaac H Reed 

E N Belder 

J White 

Wm C Doughty 

Richard Irvin 

Edwd J Mann 

James Olwell 

Amory Edwards 

Ralph Post 

John T Rollins 

Am Learsiez 

Wm F Carey 

A D Clarke 



50 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



Wm A Cnmmings 

Solomon Tuthill 

Jos Smith 

H Hammersley & Co 

John E Miller 

Daniel E Delavan 

John Woolf 

H R Kennedy 

D D Hart 

C H Groyn 

Wash L Gilroy 

Jas W Taylor 

Jas C Church 

Goodwin Lowrey 

John F Gilchrist 

Litchfield & Co 

Nicholas Cade 

John Crarick 

J Miller 

L C Hoyt 

Mallin & Mnnn 

John Freeman 

Geo N Heldon 

Aug Hoffman 

"Wm K Edgarton 

S P Ingraham 

E D Sullivan 

Thomas Webster 

Edwd H Haswell 

A W Welden 

Francis S Hoffman 

Robt Ferguson 

Samuel Dugard 

E H Latimer 

D A Breakenridge 

John Ricks 

Geo A Wardell 

Robt N Veming 

Thomas Crocker 

John Cunningham 

G C Black 

Robt Morton 

T M Clark 

Philip Brush 

Young, Bonnel & Sut- 

phen 
Samuel Foster 
Alexander Brutti 
G Van Bergen 
John Craig 
Levi Rowley 
Crooke, Fowks & Co 
Stephen S Chamberlain 
Benj G Austin 
.John M Warren 
. Thomas Haley 
Samuel Archer 
T Van Tassell 
H Egbert 
James D Oliver 
John R Doremus 
Geo W Hardenbrook 
James Courten 
John H Howe 
J A Stanley 
Wm H De Bevoise 
Abner Osborne 
S B Spalding 
Ezra Waterbury 
Jacob Wagner 
E B Jayne 
G H Moeseman 
W C Prankard 
Geo B Sutton 
John Lobdell 
Wm T Lock-wood 
Jarvis Weed 
Charles E Townsend 
John H Sands 
Wm Macan 
James A Bishop 
Philo Vosburgn. 
Geo S Lewis 
C McRea. 
J Silliman 
Frank Wagner 



Elisha Brooks 

E Boetor 

Jesse Sellecks 

Geo H Wooster 

Chas E Youngs 

Chas P Durando 

Granvill G Ingraham 

David J Peters 

E H Egbert 

Joseph A Ingram 

Josiah Bulkley 

Chas F Goodwin 

Francis B Baldhim 

Stephen P Durando 

B V Severidge 

Edward D Brooks 

John Brooks 

Henry Morris 

Isaac N Seymour 

Shepherd Knapp 

Vunsyter & Treru 

Wright & Filies 

F Bloodgood & Co 

Alex Watson 

L H Good 

F White 

Weeks, Kelley & Co 

E Bement 

E Memslu & Co 

Beebeeheedwen & Co 

Danl Seixas 

J B Wood 

Hugh Laing 

Wm B Hoffman 

F H Pessoon 

Michl O'Connor 

S E Seymour 

J T Welsh 

W Keeler 

Jno D Borthwell 

J Harrison 

John C Beam 

DA Hay 

W E Lewis 

Jas Graham 

W H Windsor 

Robert H Falls 

Thomas L Wills 

D Ebbits 

Elisha Peck 

Camman & Whitehousa 

Chas A Jarvis 

John H Dykers 

W W Dibblee 

W P Palmer 

John W Whitlock & Co 

Patten, Lane & Allen 

James Wendell 

White, Griffith & White 

Jonas Miller 

Gordon & Talbert 

F J Conant & Bolles 

F E Phelps 

David P Hall 

Alexander Clarke 

R C Cruston 

G Smorry 

Oscen M Steutevaul 

Wm M Evarts 

Benj T Kissam 

Henry A Coster 

W H Kissam 

John S Brown 

P Stuyvesant 

B Brinthrop 

J G Ferguson 

WmPLee 

C K Churchill 

John R Degez 

Alex Fubes 

Edward Hill, jr 

Thomas Burns 

Charles Tomrw, M.D. 

R B Hill 

Henry S Edward, jr 

B West Eichholt 



F B Forbes 

Henry E Stearns 

H W Blossom 

E W Corbert 

Wm Perick 

M B Morris 

Sandy HaU 

L F Cobb 

B J Bolder 

Dewitt C Campbell 

W V Clason 

G L Bennett 

Henry Haight 

John H Elliott 

Horace J Meech 

E S Sites 

George Kellogg 

H S Kent 

Chas Souar 

Jo B Alberton 

Henry Albro Miles 

John R Curin 

Allen Hot 

George Spencer 

Du Bois Vandervoort 

Sacket, Belchut & Co 

W E Townsend 

Wm Marston 

M D Thomas 

Walter Smithland 

Goff & Constable 

Daniel D Tompkins 

Daniel C Taylor 

Fisher & Fellows 

C Schenck & Brother 

Andrew C Elliott 

Charley Storms 

J & N Briggs 

John J Taylor & Co 

Paul Spofford 

Daniel Curtis, jr 

Henry L Champlin 

John A Fisk 

Edwd Woolsey 

Crosby, Crockert & Co 

Augs Whitlock & Co 

M F Mervitt 

Stover & Stephenson 

M L C Mend 

Samuel Noyes 

W W Townsend 

A D Baker 

T Kealer 

J Ward 

L R Cornell 

Edward Dunham 

Thomas D Sturgis 

James McDonnell 

N L Fontaine 

Robt Benson, jr 

John L Lefferts 

Thos E Burns 

Jos C Phillips 

J L Miller 

Cowing & Co 

E S Bloomfield 

James Bell 

C V Clark 

R Bradley 

Wm S Woodward 

James D Sturges 

George Tucker 

J W Fish & Co 

C S Knight 

Wm L Boyd 

John Barton 

Samuel T Rogers 

Thos B Brooks 

J C Hanson 

Evan Griffith 

J L Warner 

Wm H Chase 

J D Lawrence 

George Donnegan 

A K Thompson 

P J Nevens 



R M Brown 

Josiah Jex 

Isaac B Lewis 

F E Ruland 

Starks W Lewis 

Loomis L White 

B J Williams 

L Tuckerman 

John D Levett 

B B T Benton 

C C Benton 

Chas W Hopkins 

Hamilton Farrell 

D Brown 

Wm M Young 

Hugh S Pollock 

Andrew Hall 

Bass, Clark & Dibble 

Wm B Jackson 

Wm Reed 

D B Bissell 

H Johnson & Mills 

John J Daveis 

Thomas Kimball 

E R Ives 

J P Doremus 

G W Peckham 

W A Martin 

Smith Dunning 

N Andrews & Co 

Oakley Beach 

Wells & Van Benschoten 

Tarker & Ritter 

Hall & McMullens 

Wanzer, Minor & Co 

Lee, Fenton & Phelps 

Wm S Brown 

Nath'l Weed 

J & H Van Nostrand 

Terbell, Jennings & Co 

J H Ran son 

D M Marvin & Co 

Boyd & Wilkins 

Wm Burger & Co 

Oakley & Co 

Woodburn, Dey,Ermond 

&. Wyles 
Carpenter & Mackin 
Horace H Day 
John H Davis 
Amidon & Hurlbut 
J M Luckey 
John Thomson 
John Stevens 
J Witherel 
Theodore Stout 
Robert Murray 
Thomas Ahearn 
Tisdale & Borden 
W M Lambert 
R B Jones 
James W Harris 
Washington Plumber 
H A Huxthal 
Alex Porter Browne 
J Millerige Smith 
Joseph Batlin 
A Goldsmith 
James Bascom. 
J R Maver 
Auguste B Taber 
James Bascom 
Schuyler Skaat3 
J A Corey 
Fred Libbey 
Benj Hunt 
Allen Taber 
J W Courier 
Wm Henry Chambers 
HS Ware 
J Taber 
Allen Dale 
J M Jennings 
E D Eaton 
Wm B Ackley 
VPeaxd 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



»•; 



Joseph Foster 

DWC Becker 

Jas H Devoe 

John Hamilton 

T D Johnes 

Geo T Marsh all 

R C Root & Anthony 

H Root 

Oliver Cady 

E S Sturges 

John H Lyman 

Robt Jaffrey 

T D Miggs 

Henrv Moore 

C V Woodruff 

Walter Brinckerhoff 

D B Crane 

Fox & Polhemus 

C H Hertzei. 

W C Ogden 

Rich M Hoe 

Rich Vauwick 

H F Anthony 

E W Talman 

J Anthony, jr 

Jonathan S Tappen 

John Pearce 

Thomas M Jenkins 

G Young 

Henrv Jones, jr 

B P Keiser 

A Brousseau & Co 

Hall Brothers 

A Pond 

J Stanley Milford 

G S Rainsford 
J Moring 
J Gumer 
Jos Woodward, jr 
T Waller, jr 
P II Learned 
Theo Crane 
Otis & Woodward 
D A Galloway 
A Sayre 
J Olmsted & Co 
J II Barnes 
W G Rav 

J & R MUlbank & Co 
J C Adams 
R W Waterton 
J G Allen 
G & S Conover 
J W Hait 
E L Mix 
Geo J Johnson 
Massey & Mitchell 
A A Lewis 
Geo E Browne 
E H .Merrill 
Ketohum & Perry 
Edward H Burdell & Co 
Doremus, Crane & Car- 
penter 
Wm Hurlbut & Co 
Adams, Smith & Co 
S B Reed 
Leonard Johnson 
J M Smith & Co 
Wright & Lossee 
J Garibrandt 
Isaac Carpenter 
H C Omeloff 
Ferguson & Sherman 
Chas F Randolph 
Bartlett, Perry & Co 
Sam Perry 
Dan Bryan, jr 
L Eastman 
Wallace, Hicks & Co 
H Burrett &. Co 
Pearson & Co 
W Hubboard & Son 
Higgins,Brown& Shields 
W C Heaton 
W D Parsons 



John S Buckley & Co 

L & A Ferris & Co 

Brush & Co 

W S Brush 

Woodward & Cromwell 

S S Smith 

Wm H Wilson 

Wm Jackman 

Saml Black 

J W Mook 

Saml C Ryerson 

V Miller 

F S S Vanderbeck 

S R Seterfield 

H Sigler 

John Vanderbeck 

George Vanderbeck 

Marcus Morton 

M Underhiil 

Wm F Webber 

John H Macrecdy 

Clement Fosdick 

Wm B Fairchild 

A P Waring 

S Peters 

J Roberts 

B Brown 

J Hunt 

J Mullen 

Wm Munson 

W C Moffitt 

John Collard 

C V Borden 

W Lyons 

Geo M Smith 

John Claughley 

H Siemon 

Robt W Coffin 

Wm Berrian 

Henry De Lacy 

FEW Boody 

Edwd Clasback 

Alfred H Cummings 

Samuel Spencer 

Edwd Gordon 

M Maury 

Wm & J R Habersham 

Geo Borrman 

M A Wheelock 

J A Cure 

Sidney B Fairchild 

Wm H Butcher 

J McGee 

J H Gregory 

J S Conklin 

W H Grogan 

Frere Bdey 

Thornton Ogden 

Blydenburgn & Co 

Southworth, Slanson & 

Co 
George B Storm 
Isaac F Storm 
H N Stebbins 
Topham & Stebbins 
Robert Hutton 
B F Metcalf 
A S Shepard 
Chas C Wilcox 
Beach &, Van Dewater 
Ayres & Tunis 
P G Arcularius 
Chas F Park & Co 
Henry Allen 
Robt Allen 
Cad walled Richard 
James Murphy 
Wm Gaul 
J G Hodgkins 
Geo F Brandt 
J M Glovner 
B F Simons 
Geo Cook 
Geo W Morton 
Jno T Darley 
I R Bentholema 



Dudley B Fuller 

J M Wing 

H Montross 

B L Sterling 

Stephen H Williamson 

R M Ludlow & Co 

C Colton & Co 

Henry Hebard 

Geo H Gilman 

Robert Robertson 

James Brigham 

John McDonald 

G F Thomson 

R Phinney 

J R Livingston 

James Z Zeiss 

A L Reynolds 

J H Wood 

J T Wardlow 

Aug Van Ness 

John Roberts 

Nelson & Van Dyke 

Isaac Tyler 

T W Brush 

Alex Benjamin 

James St John 

W F Young 

G P Nash 

George J Foster 

Robt R Kearney 

M Broderick 

John Mack 

James C Noble 

Thomas Freeborn 

James Carrol 

John Lord 

Thomas Jones 

Rufus Blain 

Philip H Underhiil 
Jacob A Swift 

Ira Baranour 

Benj Connor 

Henry Harrison 
Nathan Selch 
Charles A Oakley 
Daniel Wanser 

George Eastbrook 
Henry Long 
AH Burling 
Wm M McArdle 
A Murdock 
Joseph Mitchell 
George Brady 
Johne Mehim 
Oliver Odell 
A K Bickbee 
Richard Wall 
A Barrett & Co 
Smith, Wallace & Co 
Sherman & Collins 
J L Cross 

Hamilton & Henmau 
Solomon Freeman 
C S Martin 
J Ogden Smith 
R Edwards 
James Clinch 
Stanton & Jarvis 
Robt Alcott 
Theo W Todd 
D W Evans 
Conklin & Smith 
John Caswell & Co 
Ab'm 1$ Warner 
Thos F Bull 
D D Conover 
John B Benton 
Divine & Bro 
E Mitthe 
L Southmayd 
Saml J Bury 
J S Knapp & Son 
W & G Oakley k Co 
John Van Zandt 
And S Surre 
John S Mills 



51 

John Patten, jr 

Mulford .Martin 

James Rowland 

T J Ford 

Francis W Ogsbury 

Marcus Hurd 

Geo Seeley 

Wm M Andrews 

D R Fleman 

Edmund W Mills 

H & J Hopkins 

Henry Brace 

H K Tuckerman 

E P Whates 

Chas Ackerman 

A F Mann 

Jas Renton 

C W Oakley 

Geo Morrow 

S Rich Smith 

George Baker 

John G Alteback 

Thos W Phelps 

Richards & Fleury 

H B Richards 

Wm Muirhead 

Chas Molay 

Fr Beisemveber 

Wm R Marsh 

Palmer & Newcomb 

Edgar Farmer 

James H Forbes 

Edward P Forbes 

Marvin J Merchant 

C W Loomer 

John Coyle, jr 

H Goldsmith 

Ren & Pollock 

Brodhead, Storm Ic Co 

Geo D Woodruff 

Roswell, Skeel & Co 

Jared W Graves 

James Nelson 

Cornelius Brett 

Thomas W Gamisi 

John Christie 

Jno C Hewitt 

A Bills 

J Burrall 

W A Van Duzen 

Wm Egerton 

Charles J Clark 

B Fosselman 

Abner Osborn 

J R Neall 

Peter Duryee 

Frank Darley 

G W Swift 

H Lake 

John Smith 

Wm S Mokenns 

S Stewart 

Henry Conway 

Chas Stewart 

Ph Woodhousa 

C C Waller 

S S Havaland 

R W Milbank 

Jacob T Merritt 

O Bryan, jr 

J R Brookelman 

John P Gasald 

Solomon Furman 

W E Cary 

W II Meyers 

Chas P Leverich 

Ch D Matthews 

Jos McUams 

K Boonen Graves 

W A Demill 

Henry Coggill & Co 

John B Wilson 

Gustavus Brown 

R Kimball 

Minturn & Co 

W F Partridge 



52 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION MEETING, 



John S Reighart 

D Donovan 

C H Hawthorn 

E Th Nexen 

J Woodlind & Son 

Crocker, Washburn &• 

Johnson 
Robt McGeary 
Crane & Thomson 
A S Barnes & Co 
M C Merrick 
C B Samson 
S Holden 
J H Holden 
Beers & Clark 
Chas Harrison 
D G & E Haviland 
W H Tileston 
J B Whitman 
Bobbins & Bro 
Daniel T Appleton 
John H Felix 
Geo F Hussey 
A G Ferry 
N C Bishop 
H Groom 
E J Tryon 
John Cozens 
B F Shaffer 
Pat H Jackson 
John Lander 
E R Lamoureux 
J H Chase 
James Hand 
Jas B Hetherington 
B N Leonard &. Co 
T M J Ciplit 
R K Haight 
D B Fearing 
C M Parker 
James Donaldson 
D S Kennedy 
Henry Bergh 
Thomas Egleston 
Wm H Jones 
G W Brush 
Charles W Raisbeck 
J J Ennis 
John G Hadden 

Samuel Davenport 
Isaiah Meeker 

Stephen Emmett 
J M Dunbar 

William Walker 

James H Holden 

Woolsey Roe 

Geo Comstock 

John P Britton 

Wm W Parsells 

Wm Britton 

Wm J Secor 

Thomas Secor 

Wm Goble 

T Prince 

John Dargavell 

E Greenwood 

J R Lester 

J Brush 

J Braisted 

Stephen Conover 

John Stevens 

Geo Peirce 

James Gemmell, jr 

Samuel Coleman 

Henry B Phelps 

Jacob H Strever 

Waller & Kolps 

Samuel & Collis 

John C Ham 

W F King 

G C Richard 

W J Harrington 

Tunis Morrell 

Baldwin Gardiner 

W Jones 

James B Brewster 



Henry Brewster 

John W Britten 

Wood, Tomlinson & Co 

Osborne & Boardman 

C A Stetson 

John A Robinson 

Edward Mowry 

James T Stagg 

Geo E Watress 

Chas B Smith 

Randolph M Cooley 

James H Lambert 

J B Wyman 

Chas W Marsh 

E R Bebb 

Thos B Cord 

James Kellogg 

Wm W Gallan 

W Bunker Collins 

Edwin Thome 

S G Doughty 

T Dutton 

John Smyth 

James H Gray 

John T Mills 

C C Lacy 

Chester Marcy 

James O'Conner 

John T Smith 

James O'Neal 

George J Jones 

L M Black 

T B Long 

N H Cooper 

W Jones 

Sherman, Sandford & Co 

H N Smith & Co 

Jacob Griffin 

Richard W Reynolds 

Edwd Owens 

Jas F Kinny 

John O'Donohue 

John S Harring & Co 

B H Howell 

C C Stryker 

Wells, Miller & Provost 

Peter Neefus 

Wm H Mitchell 

Wm E Bird 

Livingston & Moore 

James H Mills 

A Woolsey 

Thomas N Smith 

Allen & Rodgers 

J T & J Y Frost 

Burdick & Martin 

F L Kneeland 

Henry P Bush 

M Bennet 

C & H Williams 

A B Dunlap 

W E Demill 

J Schiffler & Bro 

M Solomons 

John Tenett & Sons 

Vanderseer & Faxon 

Penfold & Schuyler 

Henry R Morgan 

Richard H N Martin 

Daniel B Phillips 

J Wintringham 

Batelle, Renwick &• Co 

F H Bartholomew 

Henry Ludlam 

E B Butler 

Henry Lazinsby 

Benj Blossom & Son 

Abbot, Dodge & Co 

W M Proctor 

Bebee & Bro 

Cartright, Harrison & Co 

Jas R Keeler & Co 

Li Hie & Rasenes 

S M Jarvis 

C A Logan 

A W Whitlock 



Jacob LeRoy 
J Mc J Bensel 
ThO LeRoy & Co 
Henry Q,uackenboss & 

Co 
Spencer, Quackenboss & 

Co 
A W Winans 
Frost & Converse 
Ward, Peck & Co 
Lord & Taylor 
Granniss & Stewart 
John H Talman 
J & J F Trippe 
Thos E Bishop 
R F Haviland &. Co 
Haviland, Keese & Co 
M Ward & Co 
Job Chandler & Foster 
Hook, Townsend & Co 
Wm M Vail 
Young & Leavitt 
Piatt & Brother 
Read, Taylor & Co 
Tracy. Irwin & Co 
W & W Wakeman 
Cyrus H Loutrel 
Creed, Brockee & Co 
Henry Trowbridge & Co 
John Paret & Son 
Vose, Wood & Co 
Windle & Co 
Geo B Windle 
Louis S Bellows & Schel 
Draper & Eldridge 
Sill & Thomson 
Fellows & Co 
Fellows, Van Arsdale & 

Co 
Wm J Lord 
North, Brothers 
C H Downing 
Hamilton Hoppin 
D C Bogert 
Wm Chauncey & Co 
Fisher & Fellowes 
Tompkins & Co 
J Herrick 
A De La Montagne 
Work & Drake 
James Boyd 
Hilyer & Co 
S C Wheeler 
S Seldon 
S D Moody 
S D Herrick 
Wm Johnson 
A D Ladd 
S H Farnsworth 
Everett Clapp 
Vegtil & Bergh 
Jas E Vail 
John Benson 
Coman, Hopkins & Co 
J Richards 
R Clapp & Co 
D A Gall 

II R Van Rensselaer 
J Richardson 
Byron L Cross 
J M Wheeler 
Fairbanks & Co 
W H Roke 
Charles S Matthews 
L Leslie 
J Labor 
J Piatt 
R A Bouton 
J Murdock 
J L Dickinson 
J D Travis 
J B Coffin 
Danl Stewart 
Wm H Hyatt 
DanlN Tucker 
Thos Parrell 



Thos M Stonier 

J C Davis 

Wm Higgins 

Jas D McConnell 

Michael Killilea 

Th Long 

Jas H Hollister 

T C H Dexter 

J L Warner 

Fletcher Westray 

J E Reed 

L W Jerome 

B G Boardman, jr 

D H Wood 

Jas Giddings 

J P Byrnes, jr 

Nathaniel Hayden 

Geo Watson 

Willis Patten 

J Tray 

Wm Gale & Son 

Wm Everdell & Son 

James S Magnus 

M H Hyde 

W J Monell 

J Nesbitt 

T H Quin 

Wm P Jennings 

Ichabod Price 

Thos Thamar 

David M Earl 

Saml Bell 

Asahel Burt 

Holdane & Co 

M Buekman 

M Banta 

John Morrow 

J J Drummond 

T C Derry 

Abram Drummond 

Beach, Clarke & Co 

Dwier & Barber 

A & G & H Brown 

Rianhard, Starling & 

McMurdie 
Fisher, Cushing & Hen- 
derson 

M Can field 

Pratt, Woodford & Co 
W B Pettigrew 

S N Mauh 

Johnson & Groser 

Z Booth 

E M Carrington 

Booth & Foster 

Cornell, Willis & Co 

W Brown 

Greenleaf & Kinsley 

Chas Denison 

W D Johnson 

Joseph F Johnson 

W B Wright 

E W Hicks 

Sampson & Baldwin 

E Block 

C P Butler 

Nathaniel McKee 

A Decker 

Wm H Thomson 

D R Evarts 

Thomas Walden 

Jas Meldrum 

S S Austin 

CA Reynolds 

Jacob Rheend 

Wm H Mason 

P J Koman 

Elijah H Purdy 

Henry D Johnson 

Howard Scovell 

J H Lester 

C M Waterbery 

John B Hobby 

John W Thompson 

Henry Jarvis 

Louis Bleidom 



AT CASTLE GARDEN. 



R T Bunker 
John Carroll 
Jas Lees 
J W Carrington 
A W Stange 
C Stoddard 
H J Beers 
Peter S Bayard 
Wilson Knapp 
A B Beers 
Hiram Sears 
J Morley, jr 
J R Value 
Geo H Allen 
Wm S Hoole 
S Ward 
Ch Millington 
S M Beckly k Co 
J W Bebee 

J Wallace 
C A West 

Manning, Smith k Ing- 

lesby 
H Healy 
Leroy M Wiley k Co 

1 Mannund 
I Tracy 

G S Pierce 

Ch W Arthur 

Alf Cooper 

Jno D Chevalier 

H Wendall 

F H Lockwood 

Theo McKnight 

H Crocker 

M C Story 

S E Wood worth. 

J F Cornell, jr 

H W Brown 

A Carman 

WS WCutahen 

G S Arrowsmith 

Robt Roberts 

D D Howard 

S Russell Childs 

John Macy 

A F Spencer 

J R Curtis 

Jas Findely Schenck 

W S Leroy 

I Birdshara. 

Chas Drop 

Geo Howland 

Geo Cook 

Thomas Gould 



A R Herrick 

F C Barret 

John W Hanson 

Jas A Satterlee 

Daniel Moore 

Backus k Osborn 

Draper k Rowland 

If J Smith 

Theodosius Strong 

Borstman, Bros k Co 

A Journeay, jr., k Co 

A & J S Lane 

Edward F Allen 

Joseph E Trippe 

T Smith k Co 

C P Rorbach k Co 

Ward, Dickson & Co 

Barnes & Pharo 

A B Neilson 

J C Neilson 

S Whitehead 

John Van Nostrand 

Wm C Marvin 

W R Jones 

Dane, Drake k Smith 
Wm A Ellis 

Wm B Campbell 

A J F Hamilton 
Richd Baldwin 

Chas Dennis 

H P King 
GCLay 
Arthur k Burnet 
C S Westcott 
J J Cox 
Edwd Rathbun 
J C Jutting 
C A Thacksun 
Geo Moreau 
A Morrison 
C M Mather 
W S Sniffer 
Henry Edwards 
R C Edwards 
J M Nichols 
R C Williams 
Wm F Speer 
Silas C Herring 
John Farrall 
Gilbert Camp & Co 
Maltby k Starr 
Gault & Ballard 
Geo Williams 
R W Bulkley 
D Larfaty 



King & Samuels 
John D Locke 
B J Hathaway 
B Wands 
WCobb 
J Wilson 
M Sanford 
J W Wheeler 
A H Center k Son 
G Preston 
.David Smith 
A Hopkins 
Jacob Hays 
Thomas A Leroy 
T Freeborn 
J B Fellows 
J C Stoneall 
J W Riker 
H L Riker 
White & Sheffield 
J W Hawkhurst 
Maurice White 
W Collins 
Enos Jones 
J Smith 
L Bradley 
J P Mercer 
G B Crandall 
G H Peck 
C M Vandervoort 
J McChesney 
W H Jones 
W R Griffith 
J Price 
W Collins 
J G Williams 
L Wartz 
J M Dell 
T Mahon 
N Dearborn 
A Lossee 
W H Jones 
R Bensly 
J Payne 
J West 
D Wood 
J B Bonsel 
J Creighton 
T Alberts 
J Berry 
E Castello 
J B Burnett 
Geo W Loss 
F Kiddle 
S Gibson 



S Hithal 

W Dodge 

E R Webb 

E Wilson 

A Welsh 

W Thomas 

D Cubberly 

C Wasse 

R H Miller 

D k J Devlin 

Butterfield Brothers 

August Belmont 

S J Briant 

C Van Whyck 

G C See ' 

B Riley 

J R Brown 

P A Trasseo 

S Oliver 

J Docussou 

E Bach 

J Vanderbilt 

E B Sparurer 

A Robinson, jr 

A Remson 

H T Chapman 

S Smith 

S V Callender 

W S Wiley 

ST Randolph 

S Andrews 

S Tobey 

H Harris 

W M Postley 

H Hammond 

H Undine 

J Steele 

S Uffington 

N Huzzy 

J Craft 

F Lockwood 

Clock & Miller 

W L Moore 

A L Phillips 

J S Barry 

J Campbell 

J T Savage 

Philip Hamilton 

Edmund Driggs 

Churchill k Kettel 

S J Pardesus 

John R Pitkin 

David Stevens 

Aug Cleveland 






WASHINGTON'S FAKEWELL ADDRESS. 

September 17, 1796. 



Friends mid Fellow Citizens: 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government 
of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your 
thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that 
important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more 
distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolu- 
tion I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of 
whom the choice is to be made. 

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution 
has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to 
the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in withdrawing 
the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by 
no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for 
your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compati- 
ble with both. 

The acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages 
have twice called me. have been an uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion 
of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped 
that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which 
I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been 
reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last 
election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but 
mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of affairs with foreign 
nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me 
to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as 
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the senti- 
ment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained 
for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disap- 
prove of my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained 
on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will only say that I have, 
with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the 
government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not 
unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my 
own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives io 
diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, 
more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be wel- 
come. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services. 
they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and pru- 
dence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my politi- 
cal life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of thai 
debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved conntry for the many honors it has 
conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has sup- 
ported me ; and for the opportunities I have thenco enjoyed of manifesting my 
inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness 



56 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let 
it always be remembered to your praise, and as instructive example in our annals, 
that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were 
liable to mislead — amidst appearances sometimes dubious — vicissitudes of fortunes 
often discouraging — in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has 
countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential 
prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Pro- 
foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong 
incitement to unceasing wishes, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest 
tokens of its benificence — that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual 
— that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly main- 
tained — that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom 
and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the 
auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so pru- 
dent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to 
the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger 
to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot 
end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, 
urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and 
to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all im- 
portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to 
you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings 
of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsels. 
Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my senti- 
ments on a former, and not dissimilar, occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of our hearts, no 
recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to 
you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; 
the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of 
your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is 
easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains 
will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of 
this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries 
of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often 
covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual 
happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attach- 
ment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and to speak of it as a palladium of 
your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in 
any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the 
sacred ties which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by 
birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your 
affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capa- 
city, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation 
derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference you have the 
same religion, manners, habits, and political principle. You have, in a common 
cause, fought, and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, 
are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts — of common dangers, sufferings, and 
success. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your 
sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your 
interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for 
carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal 
laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great addi- 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 57 

tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious materials of 
manufacturing industry. The south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the 
same agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. 
Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular 
navigation invigorated — and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and 
increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the pro- 
tection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in 
like intercourse with the west, already finds in the progressive improvement of 
interior communications by land and water, and will more and more find a valuable 
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
Tho west derives from the cast supplies requisite to its growth and comfort — and 
what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure 
enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, 
and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an 
indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the 
west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate 
strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, 
must be intrinsically precarious. 

While therefore every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular 
interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of 
means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security 
from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 
and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from 
those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring 
countries, not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships 
alone would be sufficient to produce, but w r hich opposite foreign alliances, attach- 
ments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will 
avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any 
form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as 
particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought 
to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought 
to endear to you the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and vir- 
tuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic 
desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a 
sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case 
were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, 
with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford 
a happy issue of the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With 
such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while 
experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be 
reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to 
weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter 
of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern ; Atlantic and 
Western ; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a 
real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to 
acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and 
aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies 
and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render 
alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. 
The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this 
head. They have seen in the negotiation, by the executive, and in the unanimous 
ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction 
at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were 
the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government, and in 
the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They 
have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and 
that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to 
our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their 



58 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they 
were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there 
are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is 
indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate 
substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which 
alliances at all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of govern- 
ment, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the effica- 
cious management of your common concern. This government, the offspring of 
your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full investigation and 
mature deliberation; completely free in its principles; in the distribution of its 
powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself provision for its 
own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect 
for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties 
enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political 
system is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of govern- 
ment. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit 
and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very 
idea of the power and ihe right of the people to establish government, pre-supposes 
the duty of every individual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, 
under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, coun- 
teract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, 
are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to 
organize faction ; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; to put in the 
place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of party, often a small, but artful 
and enterprizing minority of the community; and according to the alternate tri- 
umphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill 
concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and 
wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and 
then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to be- 
come potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be 
enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins 
of government ; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to 
unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your 
present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance 
irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care 
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One 
method of assault may be to affect in the forms of the constitution alterations which 
will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember 
that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of govern- 
ments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by 
which to test the real tendency of the existing constitutions of a country ; that 
facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per- 
petual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember 
especially, that from the efficient management of your common interests, in a 
country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with 
the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a 
government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It 
is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand 
the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of society within the limits pre- 
scribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of 
the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the dangers of parties in the state, with par- 
ticular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations. Let 
me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn man- 
ner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. 



"WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 59 

-This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in 
the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all 
governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popu- 
lar form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit, of 
revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has per- 
petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads 
at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries 
which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the 
absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, tho chief of some prevailing 
faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to 
the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of the public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought 
not to be entirely out of sight.) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit 
of party arc sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage 
and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public adminis- 
tration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; 
kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and 
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a 
facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passion. 
Thus the policy and will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of 
another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the 
administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, 
within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchial cast, 
patriotism may look with indulgence if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. 
But in those of popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not 
to be encouraged. From the natural tendency, it is certain there will always bo 
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant danger of 
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. 
A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting 
into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should 
inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves 
within their respective constitutional spheres; avoiding, in the exercise of the 
powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment 
tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to creato, 
whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love 
of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is suffi- 
cient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks 
in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing into different deposi- 
tories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of 
the other, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in 
our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as 
to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification 
of the constitutional powers, be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an 
amendment in the way in which the constitution designates. But let there be no 
change by usurpation, for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of 
good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The 
precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or tran- 
sient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and 
morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of 
patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness — 
these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally 
with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace 
all their connexion with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, whero 
is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obliga- 
tion desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? 
And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained 



GO "WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education 
on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that 
national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. 

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular 
government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of 
free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon 
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general 
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force 
to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One 
method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of 
expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to 
prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; 
avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of 
expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which una- 
voidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden 
which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your 
representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To 
facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should parti- 
cularly bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; 
that to have revenue there must be taxes : that no taxes can be devised which are 
not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment, 
inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of 
difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct 
of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for 
obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony 
with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy 
does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no 
distant, period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel 
example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
can doubt but that m the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence 
to it ? Can it be that Providence has connected the permanent felicity of a nation 
with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment 
which ennobles human nature. Alas ! it is rendered impossible by its vices ! 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, 
inveterate antipathies, against particular nations, and passionate attachment for 
others, should be excluded; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feel- 
ings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another 
an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a 
slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray 
from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes 
each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, 
and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trfding occasions of dispute 
occur. 

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The 
nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, 
contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates 
in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject ; 
at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to the projects of 
hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim. 

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a 
variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and 
infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in 
the quarrels and the wars of the latter without adequate inducements or justifica- 
tion. It leads, also, to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to 
others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by un- 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 61 

necessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, 
ill will and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges arc- 
withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupt, or deluded citizens, (who devote them- 
selves to the favorite nation.) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own 
country without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appear- 
ances of a virtuous sense of obligation to a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambi- 
tion, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attachments are 
particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many- 
opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of 
seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public counsels ! Such 
an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the 
former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ- 
ence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people 
ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influ- 
ence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy. 
to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence 
to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign 
nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to seo 
danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on 
the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to 
become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and 
confidence of the people to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending 
our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. 
So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect 
good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote 
relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of 
which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwiso 
in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitude of her poli- 
tics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different 
course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not 
far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may 
take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve 
upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossi- 
bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provo- 
cation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall 
counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to 
stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any 
part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, 
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of 
the foreign world : so far I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not 
bo understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold 
the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is 
always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in 
their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to 
extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respect- 
able defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
emergencies. 

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, 
humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; con- 
sulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means 
tho stream of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed 
in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to 



m 



62 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and natural opinion will permit, but temporary, and 
liable to be from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances 
shall dictate 5 constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for 
disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its independ- 
ence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it 
may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors 
and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no 
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It 
is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old affectionate friend, 

I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish 

that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from 
running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I 
may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 
occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party 
spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the 
impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the 
solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the prin- 
ciples which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my 
conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my 
own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d 
of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and 
by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure 
has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert mo 
from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best lights I could obtain, 1 
was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had 
a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. 
Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it 
with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- 
sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my under- 
standing of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent 
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct maybe inferred, without any thing more, 
from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases 
in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity 
towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to 
your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to 
endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and constancy, 
which is necessary to give it. humanly speaking, the command of its own fortune. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of 
intentional error; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it 
probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I 
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may 
tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to 
view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to 
its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned 
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent 
love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of 
himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate, with pleasing 
expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign 
influence of good laws, under a free government; the ever favorite object of my 
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. 



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